Where is Sarawak heading to?

KUCHING: How many of us realise that the Sarawak Coalition Government was formed 40 years ago on 7 July 1970?

Sarawak’s first coalition government was initiated by Parti Bumiputra then headed by Abdul Rahman Yakub with Stephen Yong, Secretary General of Sarawak United People’s Party.

Both Parti Bumiputra and SUPP had won 12 seats each.

The Sarawak Chinese Association which had three seats dissolved itself and its members joined the coalition later making a total of 27 seats out 48-member Council Negeri (State Assembly).

Parti Pesaka Anak Sarawak (Pesaka) which had nine state assemblymen including an independent was invited, but it turned it down as it wanted the post of chief minister be given to the party. In the previous Alliance Government (before the election), Pesaka’s Penghulu Tawi Sli was the chief minister after Stephen Kalong Ningkan of Sarawak National Party was sacked.

Thus SNAP which so won 12 seats was left out of the coalition.

Before the State went to the election, the first after the formation of Malaysia in 1963, Sarawak was ruled by the Sarawak Alliance with Ningkan made the first chief minister.

However things were not going well with SNAP and other members of the Alliance which made of Parti Pesaka, Parti Berjasa and Parti Panas.

Ningkan was kicked out in September 1966 and as a result SNAP left the Alliance. Penghulu Tawi Sli of Pesaka was installed as chief minister after a series of court cases mounted by Kalong for his expulsion as the chief minister.

When the first direct election was held in May 1969, there was a racial riot as a result the election for Sarawak was postponed to July 1970.

In the chaotic and a hung Council Negeri, Abdul Rahman Yakub took advantage of the situation and started to negotiate at first with Pesaka. But Pesaka insisted that the chief minister’s post must be given to one of his elected representatives.

Ambitious Rahman then turned to SUPP. He contacted Yong, and Ong Kee Hui, SUPP president for a meeting.

It was a surprised move by Rahman as SUPP had known to be heavily infested with communist elements. Many of its members had been arrested and others fled to the jungle to conduct armed struggle against the government.

Rahman did not want SNAP as he had been one of those engineering for the downfall of Ningkan government. And further more SNAP leaders had full of hatred against Rahman. Certainly they could not work with him.

On its own initiatives, SNAP also negotiated with Pesaka and SUPP to form a coalition government. But SUPP betrayed SNAP when it chose to work with Parti Bumiputra (combination of Panas and Berjasa).

According to Yong in his book, 'A Life Lived Twice', he preferred not to work with Iban-led government as Kuala Lumpur might “disturb” them in the absence of Malay representatives in the government.

But the coalition on the other hand without Ibans was also equally instable so Rahman sent his men (Sidi Munan and Alfred Mason) to talk to Pesaka leaders including its president Temenggong Jugah anak Barieng. But they refused to meet them. All the State assemblymen were kept at the official residence of Temenggong Jugah.

Somehow or rather, Penghulu Abok Anak Jalin who had won the Kemena seat on a Pesaka ticket was found having breakfast near the Mayfair Hotel and was virtually “kidnapped” and taken to a house at Ong Tiang Swee Road and from here he was transferred to Arif Hotel.

Efforts to contact other Pesaka State assemblymen were not that easy as all of them were kept and guarded at the house. However, a letter purportedly to have come from Alfred Mason, a brother-in-law of Simon Dimbab Maja, to Simon Dimbab Maja was passed to Jugah’s driver who smuggled and gave it to Maja. As soon as he received the letter, Maja told his friends he had the urge to take “laksa” and left hurriedly in the official car of Jugah who was then the federal minister for Sarawak Affairs to an open market.

On arrival at the open market, Maja according to the driver, wearing only slippers rushed to Arif Hotel where Abok and other Coalition leaders were present. They were told that they would be sworn as ministers. Maja would be appointed a Deputy Chief Minister.

The “kidnapping” of the two left Jugah with little choice and his ministerial post was under threat if Pesaka did not join the coalition. So Jugah was not only forced to join the coalition, but also agreed to merge Pesaka with Bumiputra three years later to form Parti Pesaka Bumiputra Bersatu.

This was how Rahman became chief minister of Sarawak until 26 March 1981 when his nephew, Abdul Taib Mahmud took over.

That in a nutshell is the historical background to the formation of the coalition.

Since Yakub’s time and now Taib, so much water has run under the bridge. Much development has taken place. Some rural areas have been turned into rural growth centres equipped with infrastructures. And much more still need to be done for example the construction of roads and in supplying electricity and clean water to longhouses.

When compared the two governments – one by the uncle and the other by the nephew, the Rahman government concentrated on exploitation of timbers; many of Rahman’s family members and cronies were given timber concessions.

And under Taib, he continues to exploit timber also for his family members and cronies, but also concentrates on grabbing NCR lands belonging to the Dayaks and leasing them to his family members and cronies.

And today PBB is indisputably the backbone of the State government and the most powerful party; it can even rule Sarawak without the participation of other Barisan Nasional partners. From 21 seats (Bumiputra 12 plus Pesaka nine), it has now 34 seats – one short of simple majority. So strong is PBB that its president Taib is considered as the “uncrowned king” of Sarawak.

SUPP was once a very strong party and due to internal bickering it has become a weak party. From 12 seats when it joined the coalition, it has now 11 seats after losing eight seats to the Opposition in the 2006 state election.

SNAP has zero elected representatives after number crises. Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak was born out of the 1983 crisis but was deregistered 21 years later suffering also from a leadership crisis. As a result Parti Rakyat Sarawak was registered.

SPDP was also formed out of SNAP’s second crisis in 2002.

Now at the age of 74, Taib, looking frail and sickly is seriously looking for a replacement. He may leave the government after the next state election that may be called before June next year.

But questions beg answers are: What will be the next political scenario like say after Taib Mahmud leaves the political scene? Where will Sarawak be heading to? Its direction?

Soothsayers and fortune tellers are busy predicting the future of the State. Many portend the downfall of the BN state government and the collapse of PBB as the leaders will scramble for top posts in the party.

SUPP they say may be reduced to a mosquito party due to lack of support from the Chinese community. Perhaps PRS and SPDP may still win some Dayak seats. Or perhaps the two parties may merge into one entity.

Even if the BN state government is still intact, what will happen if the Federal Government goes to the Pakatan Rakyat?

If this is going to be the next political scenario, Sarawak will be in deep trouble with or without Taib as chief minister. – The Broken Shield

Source: www.thebrokenshield.blogspot.com