NCR land campaign fodder for Dayaks

By Joseph Tawie
28 July 2010

(This story is first published by Free Malaysia Today on 29 July and it is reproduced here for the readers of The Broken Shield).

KUCHING: It takes 47 years for the government to make a decision to survey native customary rights land, issue titles and return them to the owners. Here again it is Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak who makes the decision and a promise of RM20 million to carry out the survey works instead of Sarawak Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud.

In fact Najib has no business as land is a state matter. But why did Najib make the announcement? And why did Taib refuse all this while to survey NCR land?

Najib made the decision last week after visiting Long Banga, Baram, an interior seldom visited even by Sarawak state ministers. He must have heard about the Dayaks’ grouses soon after he took over as Prime Minister in April 2009. In order to find more about the complaints, he sent his Sarawakian minister Idris Jala to seek the truth. And based on Jala’s reports Najib announced the decision.

The announcement not only caught the state government leaders by surprise, it also embarrassed them. But Najib does not seem to care whether he has the right or not; his federal government’s survival depends on solving the problem. To continue to occupy Putrajaya, he must win over the Dayak-majority parliamentary constituencies. There are 23 Dayak majority and Dayak-mixed constituencies.

But then his decision puts great pressure on the State Government to survey the NCR land. Since Najib made the announcement, the State government must show support and react immediately. Thus, the state government issued a Press statement not only to concur with the PM’s announcement but also to say that Taib’s government has approved a new NCR land initiative.

“The initiate has been approved by the government in order to come up with a faster approach to provide security to native customary rights land and to enhance the economic well being of the land owners,” said the statement which was issued under the name of Abdul Taib Mahmud, who was at that time in London.

Taib said: “The state government has always recognised that NCR land is an issue that is close to the hearts of our people. As such this joint initiative between the state as well as the federal government is to help the people create value to their idle land while at the same time addressing their concern about the long term security of their NCR land.”

Everyone knows that all this while the State government has not only ignored the cries of the Dayaks for their NCR land to be surveyed and given titles, but also goes ahead to grab NCR lands and leased them to family members and crony plantation companies.

The government legalized its actions by amending the Sarawak Land Code several times, and each time it made it very difficult for the natives to claim their customary rights over their ancestral lands. And the most devastating amendment to the land code was made in May 2000 especially Section 5. Section 5 (a) (2) (i) is amended by substituting the word “acquired” wherever it appears in the subsection with the word “created”.

On the surface of it, the amendment looks very innocent. But if you go deep into and analyse it, it is very destructive to the natives customary rights of landowners. Prior to the amendment, the NCR land can be passed from generation to another generation, i.e. from father to son and his children’s children, and so on. The land that has been acquired by any other means by the family always belongs to the family and its generation.

NCR land could be acquired through the following methods:

(1) through the felling of virgin jungle and the occupation of land thereby cleared;
(2) by the planting of land with fruit trees; by the occupation of lands;
(3) by the use of land for a burial ground or shrines;
(4) by the use of land of any class for rights of way;
(5) or any other lawful means.

Emphasis should be given to the word “acquired” which was substituted with the word “created”. This can result in the customary rights over such land be terminated, as only the “creator” shall have customary rights over such land. And after his death, the land shall be reverted to the government if the descendents are unable to provide proof for such a claim. Such a land will be known as “State Land”.

No doubt you can claim the land provided you can prove that your great-great forefathers created the rights over the land. The onus is therefore on the claimants. And very few people can prove it. They can depend only on Tuai Rumah (longhouse headman) or Penghulus to be their witnesses. But the headmen and Penghulus have been warned by the government not to simply endorse such land as NCR land or else they will be in trouble – termination of their appointment or even go to jail.

Bringing the case to the court will incur a large sum of money. Putting a deposit as required by the court will cost him a sum of RM10,000, and what about the legal fees? Even if you have money, it will take time for the court to make a decision; assuming you win in the high court, the State government then makes an appeal to the court of appeal. Again assuming you win, the State makes another appeal to the Federal Court and the case of Madeli bin Salleh gives us the best example. All in all, it takes from 10 to 20 years for the case to be settled. This is the government’s strategy – delaying tactics.

All these are a great disadvantage to the Dayaks when the NCR land is not titled. Any time the government wants their land, it is difficult for them to fight back, especially when Awang Tengah Ali Hassan, second minister of resource planning and management announced government’s policy on land on 16 June 2005 that “all lands not surveyed or any land not issued a land title, including lands under NCR are government lands.”

As a result of this policy, the government has acquired practically all the good lands from Limbang to Baram, Bintulu, Miri, Sibu, Kapit, Betong, Simanggang, and Samarahan to Kuching Divisions. And all these lands totalling some 1,268,888.161 hectares have been approved or earmarked for plantation estates, according to the third quarter reports of Land and Survey Department of 2005.

The bulk of these lands are under NCR lands which are to be planted with oil palm, rubber, banana and sago. The majority of all these go to Taib’s family members and cronies.

According to “Laporan Statistik Suku Ketiga Tahun 2005 Bagi Tanah Ladang” prepared by the Land Branch of the Land and Survey Department, Kuching, Taib’s brother-in-law Robert Genied has been given 16,000 hectares of land in Sungai Ensengai, Samarahan Division. Approval had been made in May 2004. The company’s name is Lambang Sinar Mas Sdn Bhd.

Narodeen Majais, assistant minister in the Chief Minister’s Department had his application for 16,486 hectares of land approved between March 1996 and February 1998. The application was made under a number of companies such as Pelita Nirwana Muhibbah (4,555 hectares at Tg. Midin, Serian), Gedong Plantation (3,770 hectares at Btg. Karang, Serian), Hydroflow Sdn Bhd (2775 hectares between Btg. Sadong and Sungai Simunjan and Gedong) and Indranika Jaya Sdn Bhd (1906 hectares at Tg. Embang, Simunjan).

Syed Abu Bakar’s companies of Melur Gemilang Sdn Bhd and Kumpulan Kris Jati Sdn Bhd were given a provisional lease to develop 23,744 hectares of land between Sungai Simunjan Kanan and Btg. Sadong.

Deputy Minister Alfred Jabu’s family members and cronies are not excluded from receiving a provisional lease to plant oil palm. Utahol Sdn Bhd, a company owned by Jabu’s son, Gerald Rentap was given approval to plant 6,900 hectares of land in Ulu Medamit, Limbang.

Jabu’s nephew, Robert Lawson Chuat’s Durafarm Sdn Bhd had been given a provisional lease to plant 3,665 hectares of land with oil palm at Batu Api, Betong and 1581.8 hectares at Tg. Bijat, Simanggang.

Henry Jantun, closely associated with Jabu, has also been granted a lease to plant oil palm in 2873 hectares of land between Btg. Lupar and Btg. Layar, Betong, and 2127 hectares at Tg. Bijat, Simnaggang under the name of Everherald Sdn Bhd. On top of that his company had also been given 2000 hectares between Betong and Simanggang for integrated farming.

The government also approved provisional leases to big companies like Bintulu Lumber Development Sdn Bhd, Sarawak Oil Palm Bhd, Tabung Haji, Saremas, KTS, Green Ace Resources, R.H. Plantation, Samling Plantation, and Shin Yang Oil Palm Sdn Bhd to name a few.

There are also government-linked companies like Pelita (Land Custody Development Authority), Sarawak Land Development Board and Sarawak Land Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority that have been given PL to develop the land for the planting of oil palm.

Almost all of these companies have problems with the natives whose NCR lands are within the areas given to them. Besides carrying out blockades, the natives are also suing them and the government. For now, there are 203 cases still pending in the High Court.

Who is actually to be blamed for the blunder? Surely it is the government, because it misleads the companies that the lands are state land. Naturally these companies come in and pay their land premium; then they start to clear the land off trees, shrubs and thick bushes. In the process, they also destroy natives’ rubber trees, fruit trees, and cash crops. Certainly the natives are furious.

Lodging reports with the Police are also useless as the Police cannot take action. These companies are armed with the provisional leases and claim they have the right to fell trees or fruit trees in the stated area. Although the natives claim that the lands belong to them, they are put in a disadvantage as they have no land titles to prove that the lands are theirs. So confrontation begins between the companies and the natives. As land is their life, the natives will not bow to any pressure. Instead, they resort to blockades because the authorities fail to help them.

In the meantime, they seek the service of legal firms with a view to stop and to claim damages. When some companies from West Malaysia know that there are such things as NCR lands, they abandon the project and leave. But for those who think they have the right, they stay on and find themselves in court. So far the natives have won all the 20 cases that have been settled in the High Court. Many of these companies have spent a colossal amount of money in paying lawyers, court costs, and compensations.

The Court has made it very clear that NCR land should include ‘pulau galau’ (communal forest), ‘pemakai menua’ (territorial domain), ‘temuda’ (farming land) and ‘tembawai’ (old sites of longhouses).

“This decision is confirmed by the Federal Court when it decided the case of Madeli bin Salleh vs the state government in 2007 which was based on the Nor Anak Nyawai case in 2001,” said Baru Bian a prominent native customary rights land lawyer.

“This is the land that they must survey and give titles,” said Baru, who is the chairman of Sarawak Parti Keadilan Rakyat, pointing out that the state government has a different definition of customary right lands as has been implied all these years.

“What I want to hear loud and clear now from the chief minister is to make an undertaking to the people of Sarawak to survey all NCR land. This is what we want to hear from the State government.

“There should be no political rhetoric. The Dayaks have been revolting,” he added and called on the government to allocate more money as the amount of RM20 million is insufficient to carry out survey works.

But there are questions that beg answers: Why does the Government suddenly decide to survey all NCR land? Is it a political gimmick to win the hearts and minds of the rural people before the state election?

James Masing, Land Development Minister who knows the general thinking of the public quickly puts up a statement to say that the announcement made by Najib is not a political gimmick. It is real, he said.

The BN government knows that the coming election is crucial and it considers the rural areas as its “fixed deposit” and that is where the promise to survey all NCR land comes in. In the urban constituencies, it has more or less confirmed that it is in a big trouble.

The natives have already made up their minds, especially those who have suffered so much for the last 10 years. And following rampant abuses of their NCR lands, the NCR land owners have realised the gravity of their problems and are united in their stand.

They have formed what is known as the NCR Land Owners Association. This association works closely with Suhakam, Sarawak Dayak Iban Association (SADIA) and other non-governmental organisations. Together they are prepared to highlight their problems at the international forums including the United Nations.

And the Opposition Pakatan Rakyat is certain to use NCR land issue as its top issue in the rural areas in the coming election. It has promised the land owners that in the event of the Opposition winning the next state election, the NCR land will be return to the owners.

This is what worries Najib.

ends

More blows expected for SUPP?

ENGKILILI: Sarawak United People’s Party is expected to receive more quit letters from the party in the next few weeks or so, judging by the ‘planned’ resignations that are taking place, said a source from the SUPP Engkilili branch.

“You have heard some from Sibu, Miri and Bengoh who have resigned from the party,” he said.

“We are supposed to have synchronized resignations from all these branches, but they cannot wait any longer,” he said.

The source who pleaded not to be identified said that for Engkilili Branch more than half of the committee members and a few hundreds of ordinary members are just waiting for the right time to quit the party.

“We have our meeting on Sunday afternoon regarding our decision to quit the party. It is just a matter of time,” the source said.

“Please do not expose my name as this is very sensitive and explosive,” he stressed.

“Like our friends in the Bengoh Branch and else where, we also have no more confidence in the leadership of the party. Many of the things that the current leadership promised us did not materialise,” he said.

“We will not join any party because we still love the party. But we do not like the leadership because it is weak and incapable of helping the people,” he said, predicting that the current leadership will lead us to disastrous results in the coming election.

He confirmed that the Engkilili chairman Toh Heng San had received a show-cause letter for threatening to resign from the party if the independent state assemblyman for Engkilili Johnichal Rayong was to be nominated by the party to contest in the coming election.

Toh, he said, refused to reply to the show-cause letter.

The committee members of the Engkilili branch have been embroiled in a dispute over the decision of the party to admit Rayong who contested and defeated SUPP-BN candidate Jonathan Krai in the 2006 state election.

Toh and some of the committee members are against Rayong’s admission, while his deputy Nyambong Anak Maweng and branch secretary Sibat Krutap and some members are pro-Rayong.

Until now the SUPP leadership has not made any decision whether to accept Rayong or not.

Rayong was a Sarawak National Party candidate, but resigned from the party after the electoral victory. He has been knocking on the doors of the component parties of the Barisan Nasional.

The same source disclosed that committee members from branches in Sibu, Sarikei, Meradong and Kuching are also waiting for the right time to resign from the party.

“Like us, they are waiting to explode the bomb,” he said, pointing out that all these branches are members of the 28 branches that wanted George Chan to step down as president.

This was written in the 2006 Forward Plan for Chan to step down, but until now he is still the leader of the party, he added.

These branches which are aligned to Soon Choon Teck, the state assemblyman for Dudong, had also submitted a joint requisition in 2009 calling for a special delegates conference to solve the problems affecting the party.

But the president and the central working committee rejected their demand although they had the required number to ask for the SDC.

On Saturday, 14 committee members of the Bengoh branch and six ordinary members had submitted their letters of resignation to the secretary general Sim Kheng Hui, citing unhappiness and loss of confidence on the leadership as the main reason.

Meanwhile, the chairman of the branch, Jerip Susil said that the resignation of some of the committee members from his branch had caught him by surprise.

“Nobody told me about their resignation, but I will sit down and try to persuade them to reconsider their decision,” he said.

Source: www.thebrokenshield.blogspot.com

NCR land to be surveyed

A prominent native customary rights land lawyer has called on the government to survey native customary rights land according to the interpretation and decision of the Federal Court.

“The Federal Court’s interpretation and decision based on Madeli bin Salleh case against the state government in 2007 which was based on the Nor anak Nyawai case in 2001 is that native customary rights land includes ‘pemakai menua’ (territorial domain), ‘temuda’ (farms) and ‘pulau galau’ (communal forests),” said Baru Bian, who has been defending NCR land on behalf of the natives.

“And for the Malays, the Kuching High Court in the case of Haji Rambli bin Kawi against the superintendent of lands and surveys has decided that swampy areas close proximity to their kampongs to be their native customary rights land,” he said.

“This is the land that they must survey and give titles,” Baru, who is the chairman of Sarawak Parti Keadilan Rakyat said, pointing out that the state government has a different definition of customary right lands as has been implied all these years.

“What I want to hear loud and clear now from the chief minister is to make an undertaking to the people of Sarawak to survey all NCR land. This is what we want to hear from the State government.

“There should be no political rhetoric. The Dayaks have been revolting,” he added and called on the government to allocate more money as the amount of RM20 million is insufficient to carry out survey works.

Baru was commenting on a statement made by Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak in Miri yesterday that NCR land in Sarawak would be surveyed.

Najib had said that the federal government has allocated RM20 million for Sarawak to survey the perimeters of native customary land and will set up a delivery management office (DMO) to supervision all programmes utilizing land.

These new initiatives, he said, supported by the state government, would help resolve native land issues.

Meanwhile, the Sarawak Dayak Iban Association (SADIA) which has been in the fore front in defending native customary rights land from being encroached by big oil palm companies questioned whether Najib’s motive since land is under the State administration.

“If Najib is genuine in helping the NCR land owners, we should welcome his move. But if it is a mere political statement, then we question his motive, because we are too obsessed with political statements regarding the survey of NCR land.

“We have been promised that our land will be surveyed since the time of Naib’s father Tun Abdul Razak as Prime Minister,” said Mujah, Sadia secretary general.

Mujah added: “But why is the government so concerned now? Is it because of the court interpretation of NCR land? Or will it just, as the government’s usual practice, only to survey the ‘payung rumah’ (surrounding of longhouse)?

“If the government is really genuine, then it should accept the people’s community survey which the court has accepted,” he said.

Mujah called on Najib to revisit the formation of Malaysia and the 20-point agreement and to sign the UN declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples (UNDRIP), he said.- The Broken Shield

Source: www.thebrokenshield.blogspot.com

Panglima Katak

Deputy Speaker Wan Junaidi Tuanku Jaafar has described some of our YBs as “superficial” who are only interested in attending non-beneficial functions and issuing statements just to have their faces appear in newspapers.

“When I read newspapers, I found news of such YBs attending opening of restaurants, boutiques and other commercial functions such as cutting ribbons and having dinners.

“When internal conflicts happened, such YBs even asked their supporters to hold press conferences in coffee shops to pledge support and confidence.

“These YBs would bring the same supporters to their numerous functions to highlight and promote themselves,” said the MP for Santubong.

He said: “When giving aid, these YBs would give the impression it was because of their sole effort that the community received their donations. I find this to be very superficial.”

Wan Junaidi said that such antics were not good for the Barisan Nasional especially the government which was trying to win back the people’s confidence.

He suggested that they must be replaced in the coming election.

Last year Wan Junaidi said that Sarawak MPs did not take part in debates in Parliament. They only sat down and listened to debates, while some were having coffee in Parliament.

He said that they did not raise issues affecting the people of Sarawak.

Meanwhile, the independent state assemblyman for Engkilili Johnichal Rayong about weeks ago described pensioners, members of the public and others who talked in coffee shops criticising the government as “Panglima kedai kopi”.

They were really “Panglima kedai kopi” who knew how to talk and criticise YBs and the government.

But one pensioner hit back at Rayong proclaiming him as “Panglima katak (frog)” who jumped from one party to another.

“How can we trust this type of YB who is interested only in his own personal interest and ego?” he said.

“Of course in Barisan, YBs can enjoy all the facilities, the reputation, the money and can even afford to have two or three wives and girl friends,” he said

“They are the real Panglima Katak and superficial YBs,” he added. - The Broken Shield

Modernizing Rural Areas

By Professor Dr.Dimbab Ngidang

1. Introduction

The purpose of this paper is to provide inputs not only for the formulation of policy instrument(s), but also for practitioners directly involved in project planning and implementation in rural areas to achieve the desired goal of high income policy in the 10th Malaysia Development Plan. Hopefully, with a wide range of inputs provided by five more papers presented in today’s economic seminar will help the State and Federal Governments rectify shortfalls in delivery, coordination and monitoring mechanisms pertaining to socio-economic issues and practices with respect to project planning and implementation encountered in the post-independence in the past 47 years or so.

Inaccessibility to public goods, lack of credit worthiness and poverty are some of the common labeling being used to portray the prevailing socio-economic environments of rural population against the backdrop of economic growth in the post-independence. But this may not be true for all cases if a fine-grain analysis is applied because socio-economic problems are locality, region and ethnic specific.

Thus any external intervention to connect the high income policy in the New Economic Model (NEM)3 to modernizing rural areas, be it affirmative action or NGO-initiated project, undoubtedly requires both the former and the latter to deal with typically deep-rooted agrarian roots and/or culture of more than a million indigenous peoples in Sarawak. For that reason, any form of planned intervention cannot afford to ignore three fundamental elements of agrarian transition in the process of modernization.

First and foremost, the target beneficiaries of such transformation are rural people. The second fundamental element involves transforming the traditional agriculture sector into a dynamic economic sector, where the majority of rural households are dependent upon for their livelihood. And the third fundamental element is a contentious issue of native customary rights land (NCR) inherited from their pioneering ancestors: lands that they use for a wide range of agro-economic activities including food production, orchards and for cash crops cultivation.

Why should the high income policy revolve around people, land and traditional sector? Simply because participation of rural people in the high income economic activities is invariably tied to a sustainable land use. We all know that in addition to labor, NCR land is the only “wealth” or resource rural people still have now. That being the case, then it is most appropriate that structural and legal impediments concerning land use should be addressed so that rural people can use their land to the optimal level; only productive land use can guarantee both gainful employment and food security for rural people. Without addressing the above-mentioned issues intervention efforts to bring about high income earning for rural people living in the traditional sector remains problematic.

2.0. High Income Strategies for Rural Areas

Assuming that infrastructure (roads) and facilities (that serve as development arteries for delivery of public goods and services to rural people) are already in existence, the next question is how best then the Federal Government can design and implement affirmative action projects and/or programs if the high income policy is to benefit rural population in Sarawak? Given the regional peculiarities (in terms of the distribution of ethnic groups) in Sarawak today and also against the backdrop of fundamental issues that I have just stated in my introduction, to answer that question, the following high income strategies for rural people are proposed.

Strategy # 1: Creating Economic Activities in RGC

With all intents and purposes, RGCs are created for economic growth, but for growth to occur economic activities must first be created in rural areas. Eleven Rural Growth Centers (RGCs) have been created throughout the state in the 9MP: Pembangunan IT Luar Bandar, RGC Kedop, RGC Long Lama, RGC Telaga Air, RGC Pedawan Complex, RGC Mid-Layar/Nanga Spak, RGC Beladin, RGC Sundar/Awit-Awit, RGC Gedong, RGC Balingan, RGC Long Semadoh and RGC Ba Kelalan. In view of RGCs’ potential benefits, many more RGCs should be established in rural districts, but RGCs should not be too close to the town because it defeats the purpose of establishing the center.

Therefore, for RGCs to become the center for economic growth, the Federal Government should provide more funding to assist the state to use RGCs to create economic activities for rural population in order to bring rural peripheries to the mainstream economic development. RGCs cannot become functional centers for production, procession, markets, buying and selling in rural areas without economic activities. How do you to create economic activities in RGCs? In what manner then this should be done?

Intervention efforts should be institutionally integrated and/or coordinated as follows:-

• Because capital and expertise are needed to start agro-economic activities people living surrounding RGCs should be given both technical and financial assistance for planting industrial crops (rubber, cocoa, oil palm and rubber, rice ), tapioca, pineapple, banana, fruit trees, engage in aquaculture and so forth.
• Relevant government agency (FAMA) should play a direct role in providing market for agricultural produce and/or linking local producers to buyers so that people can sell their produce.
• RGCs should be supported by processing facilities and/or cottage industries, which can also guarantee market for local producers.
• Federal government should extend its entrepreneurship programs to RGCs.
• For RGCs to effectively functional, RGCs must be fully equipped with infrastructure and facilities, adequately supported by market, processing facilities and of course, financial backing from the central government is crucial.

Strategy # 2: Direct Intervention for Rural Population Affected by Mega Projects

Where there are mega projects being implemented in Sarawak in the tenth Malaysia Plan (10MP), irrespective of whether it is a heavy industry, hydropower (HEP) project, construction of highways and modern facilities under the Sarawak Corridor Renewable Energy (SCORE), the Federal Government should allocate sufficient fund to assist the state for creating and implementing economic activities alongside these mega projects.

We must learn from the past experiences in Batang Ai and Asap in Bakun. The SALCRA farm scheme in Batang Ai does not generate enough income for setters there nor does the resettlement scheme for settlers in Asap, let alone generating high income earning. We are not saying that they are not without income; they lack expanded economic opportunities to earn extra income. When resettlement scheme at Tunu is implemented there is also a strong possibility that settlers there will not likely to earn sufficient income like their counterparts in Batang Ai and Asap. This is why sufficient federal funding should be allocated to help the state government creates diversified high income generating economic activities for communities directly affected by mega projects.

Now, the same rationale of people-oriented approach in NEP should also be invoked for creating economic activities in order to expand economic opportunities for the affected communities not only in SCORE, but also alongside all government-funded development projects elsewhere. When the nation-state invokes a positive discrimination approach, it is not impossible for rural people to capture a fair distribution of socio-economic benefits and/or spin-off effects of the construction of HEP dams, establishment of heavy industry, infrastructures (roads) and modern facilities cutting across the hinterlands of Sarawak.

That tall order of social responsibility has been discharged in NEP and should be continued for the sake of inclusiveness in the high income policy in NEM so that people in the peripheries are brought into the fold of mainstream economic development. Therefore, mixing the correct ingredients in a balancing act between striving for economic growth and inclusiveness of rural peripheries in NEM to create high economy is certainly for the interest of the nation-state so that the lower income groups especially in rural areas are not being left out in the 10MP and beyond.

Strategy # 3: More Funding is needed for Creating Economic Activities in the existing Resettlements Schemes.

A critical mass concept in advancing rural areas, especially Sarawak with its population sparsely scattered across the state, has been advocated, promoted and emphasized in the past four decades by the post-independence governments. The idea is that if people can be regrouped from isolated remote rural areas into a critical mass and relocated in strategic locations, it is feasible to provide infrastructure, services, facilities etc., in view of high cost of development if people remain staying in their respective inaccessible longhouses in remote rural areas.

Not many objected to the concept because of the perceived benefits. But now we are not short of critical mass created for a variety of reasons, rationale and ideology in the post-independence Sarawak. And where there are existing critical mass such as the pioneer land resettlement schemes, security resettlements and hydropower resettlement schemes, it is logical that more federal funding is urgently required for implementing affirmative action programs for the purpose of creating economic activities in the following resettlement schemes.

Between 1964 and 1974, a total of 5,544.9 hectares of rubber plantations were established at Triboh, Melugu Skrang, Meradong, Sebintek, Lambir and Lubai Tengah by the Sarawak Land Development Board (SLBD). Following RISDA concept in Peninsular Malaysia, rubber planting schemes in Sarawak then were intended to elevate rural poverty by relocating poverty stricken Iban population onto land-based resettlement schemes where infrastructure, basic facilities and amenities were provided for.

The purpose was to move Iban shifting cultivators from low yield traditional hill rice cultivation to a plantation-based economy that could guarantee a sustainable livelihood than their former longhouses. Also, in the case of Melugu and Skrang land development schemes, these rubber schemes were not only designed for both socio-economic purposes, but also out of an urgent need to provide security for longhouse dwellers during the military confrontation with Sukarno’s regime in the 1960s.

Unfortunately, for reasons beyond their control, these land resettlement schemes were a failure and rubber schemes were abandoned. Some settlers who managed to payback their loan had already given land titles, but most lands are still locked under SLDB’s control because of the repayment failure for their outstanding loan, while in some cases, landownership had already changed hands. In recent years only Skrang scheme has been replanted with oil palm.

In 1972, five security land resettlement schemes at Sukuau, Nanga Tada, Nanga Dap, Jagau, and Nanga Ngugun were established in the Sibu Division designed primarily to relocate the Iban who had been harassed by the communist terrorists operating in the division.

The Nanga Sekuau resettlement scheme was initially established by SLDB on 26 February 1972, but was later handed over to the Rejang Security Command (RASCOM). A total of 400 families were involved in a pepper-based farm scheme to assist the settlers made their living in the new environment. The area was successfully being replanted with oil palm under the Federal Land Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority (FELCRA).

In the case of Nanga Tada, Nanga Dap, Jagau, and Nanga Ngugun resettlement schemes,5 the affected Iban were relocated from remote longhouse communities in Kanowit district. A cocoa-based farm schemes were established by FELCRA for the settlers. The farm schemes were not quite successful, but FELCRA also abandoned its plan to replant these schemes with oil palm because of unfavorable terrain. No apparent viable solution to this problem is in sight. Some of these Iban are third generation settlers. After 30 years of displacement, going back to their former longhouses may not be a viable option for now in the absence of roads, facilities and amenities.

In 1982, 3,600 people were displaced as a result of the construction of the hydroelectric power (HEP) dam at Batang Ai, Sri Aman Division. About 1,595 families were resettled in the land scheme in 1982, of which each family was allocated 4.5 hectares of farmland: 2 hectares of rubber, 1.2 hectares of cocoa and 0.4 hectares for a garden plot, whereas the remaining 0.8 hectare for rice cultivation is yet to be given. Cocoa farm scheme was abandoned after cocoa price plunged in the 1980s and has been replanted with oil palm.

Although the resettlement scheme provided facilities and infrastructure, the farm scheme has not been able to provide a sustainable income for the settlers, and the lack land for rice cultivation seems to add to the problem of food insecurity, while the aquaculture project in Batang Ai has long been discontinued for lack of funding and found to be not economically viable to run due to high cost of feed and limited market outlets.

In the 1990s, 15 longhouses, comprising of Kayan, Kenyah, Kajang, Ukit and Penan people with a total affected population of 9,4289 were resettled at Asap, Belaga district in Kapit Division. Three acres of land were allocated per household at Asap resettlement scheme.

In short, there are very little economic activities in these government-created resettlement schemes today. The same argument of insufficient income also befalls all these schemes; they are not with income, but not adequate enough for supporting sustainable livelihood. Perhaps, a thorough assessment of these projects is also necessary.

Given the sacrifices they have rendered to the nation-state over the years, surely the existing critical mass in the above-mentioned schemes deserve special attention in terms of federal allocation for implementing affirmative action programs in the 10MP.Federal funding is crucial to helps create economic activities in these resettlement schemes whether in the form of cottage industry, aquaculture, commercial orchards and vegetable production or food processing, etc., with supporting technical advisory services by relevant agencies and a guaranteed market for their products.

Strategy #4: Weave out Eligibility Requirement for Federal Funding for Boom Crops

The eligibility for funding or assistance from federal agencies to participate in rubber, oil palm, cocoa and pepper schemes should weave out the requirement of land title for farmers with the certification of Tuai Rumah and/or Penghulu.

There are about 150,000 farming families in Sarawak, of whom majority are indigenous peoples or Dayaks who are typically subsistence farmers. By nature of their agrarian roots they inherit NCR land from their pioneering ancestors. As far as tenure security is concerned, they may have customary rights to their NCR lands but without title and not credit worthy by any institution standard; because they cannot use NCR land for collateral, undertaking investment activities beyond subsistence economy is impossible.

With the implementation of the high income policy in the 10MP, participation of these farming families in boom crops cultivation is important if high income earning among farmers is to be materialized. Addressing the eligibility issue for federal funding is crucial because the term eligibility here is equal to participation and participation is inclusiveness in the high income policy of NEM. Without eligibility to participate it automatically excludes NCR landowners without land title participate in high income economic activities.

Again, if land title is used the same way financial institutions impose credit rating on rural people, then most of rural people are not entitled for assistance from the federal agencies such as RISDA for rubber cultivation; they will be excluded for assistance from MPOB for oil palm smallholder scheme. At least, now, the Cocoa Board has already given a leeway for bona fide NCR landowners in Sarawak for assistance to participate in cocoa cultivation. If other federal agencies (RISDA, MPOB, Pepper Board, FELCRA, etc.,) can provide the same leeway as the Cocoa Board does now, such arrangement will greatly benefit rural people to expand their economic opportunities and get a high income earning.

The post-independence experiences clearly show that the lack of economic activities in rural areas always have the tendency to give way for a hollow core phenomenon to operate in its own devolution, i.e., prevailing socio-economic situations such as rural poverty will continue to drive rural-urban migration, an option so appealing as an escape route to a better alternative livelihood in urban centers. Now, in whichever front we examine the hollow core effect, mobility of labor from rural to urban centers can also create negative effects to both rural and urban areas.

Therefore, it is extremely important for the Federal Government to extend adequate funding and weave out such eligibility requirement for assistance over the use of untitled land for cultivating boom crops cash crops (oil palm, rubber and cocoa and even tree planting) to counter the hollow core effect of rural poverty.

Strategy # 5: MPOB Should Extend Subsidy Scheme to Oil Palm Smallholders

Oil palm smallholder production is a fairly new agriculture sub-sector in Sarawak. In terms of planted hectarage, small-holder production accounts for 3% of the total area under oil palm in the state today. However, smallholder production is expanding over the years. Specifically, the area under smallholder production has increased from 6,801 hectares in 2000 to 15,264 hectares in 2004. Of the total area of 15,264 hectares small-holder oil palm in Sarawak, 72% (11,039 hectares) are in the Miri Administrative Division, while the remaining 28% is distributed in other administrative divisions throughout the state.

In 2004, oil palm accounted for 54.5% of the estimated area under crops (Agricultural Statistics of Sarawak 2004:3). The total area under oil palm increased from 112,783 in 1995 to 543,398 in 2005, of which 97% of the total area of oil palm in Sarawak is managed by large-scale plantations, although the area managed by small-holders increased from 1,000 hectares in 1995 to 18,065 hectares in 2005.

Oil palm is a “golden” crop. And participation of rural people in growing this profitable crop should be aggressively promoted by the relevant agencies. There are many success stories of oil palm smallholders in Sarawak today outside the fold of government-sponsored projects. If more rural people follow such private initiatives with MPOB’s assistance, productive land use is assured and this can guarantee sustainable high income earning. Moreover, many mills have been established by oil palm companies throughout Sarawak today.

These processing facilities serve as a guaranteed market for people to sell their fresh fruit bunches (FFB). Because a guaranteed market is already in existence promoting oil palm expansion is already made easy. For this reason, we believe that it is not impossible to eradicate rural poverty within a short period of time if the Federal Government can channel subsidy scheme through MPOB directly to potential farmers in the vicinity of oil palm plantations so that they too can get high income earning by participating as smallholders to grow this profitable crop.

Strategy # 6: Spread out Federal Assistance in view of the unique Regional Peculiarities in Sarawak in order to reduce economic disparity between ethnic groups and uneven development between regions.

Federal assistance, be it for the purpose of expansion or intensification of boom crops, should not be restricted or confined to certain region primarily because the population distribution of ethnic groups in Sarawak is closely identified by region. Thinking along the same route, not many people will disagree that unique cultures of indigenous peoples are tourism assets for Sarawak; whether it is bad or good, culture can be commercialized. But for some reasons or another, regional peculiarities of ethnic distribution in Sarawak has somewhat been taken for granted for far too long in the post-independence.

Failure to take that into account will naturally make distribution of public goods such as services, development allocation and project implementation is not only challenging, but can be even more problematic and contentious in the future as a consequence of an uneven development.

It is in recognition of this fact that it is important that federal assistance to the state should be spread out in view of the unique regional peculiarities currently existing in Sarawak today in order to reduce economic disparity between ethnic groups and uneven development between regions.

For instance, if funding and/or projects are not earmarked for Baram and Lawas, the Lun Bawang and the Kelabit will be left out in the exercise; if projects are not planned and implemented for Belaga, the Kayan and Kenyah will be deprived; if Kapit and Sri Aman are left out the Iban there will be excluded; the same applies to the coastal areas, the Malays and the Melanau will be left out if similar projects are not allocated for the coastal zone. The Bidayuh too will be left out if similar projects are not extended to Serian in Samarahan Division and to Bau and Lundu in Kuching Division.

3.0 Final Remarks

There are two distinct routes in which economic growth and the high policy in NEM can be interpreted. First, by definition and design, major projects will generate more revenue for the nation, state and big corporations, but do not really generate economic benefit for the common people especially in rural areas. So as far as the poor masses are concerned, using GDP and per capita income as criteria for economic growth is no longer a valid argument because the two criteria exclude the bottom 40% income group in the overall economic growth equation.

Second, if the economic growth equation in NEM can be construed to ignore two core issues: the distribution of high income and participation for empowering the poor masses, then there is a need to rewrite another economic growth equation specifically for the poor masses using positive discrimination argument and/or approach that will turn the design of economic growth in NEM into intended equitable distribution of high income through greater participation of lower income group in various economic activities. When the masses are given expanded economic opportunities only then it is in tandem with Chief Minister, YAB Pehin Sri Haji Abdul Taib Mahmud’s policy of the politics of development.

SUMMARY

With its regional peculiarity of ethnic distribution, modernizing rural areas in Sarawak can be problematic without greater participation of various ethnic groups in the transition process in order to achieve equitable distribution of income. If economic growth in NEM is to benefit rural constituencies the following agro-economic strategies should not be overlooked in the 10MP.

Strategy #1: The federal government should provide more funding so that the state government can use Rural Growth Centers (RGCs) to create economic activities for rural population. For RGCs to effectively functional, RGCs must be fully equipped with infrastructure and facilities, adequately supported by market, processing facilities, entrepreneurship programs and of course, financial backing from the central government is crucial.

Strategy #2: Where there are mega projects being implemented in Sarawak in the 10MP the Federal Government should allocate sufficient fund to assist the state for creating and/or implementing economic activities alongside mega projects. In the past when mega projects such as HEP Batang Ai and HEP Bakun were implemented, neither SALCRA farm scheme in Batang Ai nor the resettlement scheme in Asap generates enough income for setters there. The same fate can befall settlers at Tunu resettlement scheme. This is why sufficient federal funding should be allocated to help the state government creates diversified high income generating economic activities in order to capture spin-off effects of mega projects not only under SCORE, but also for all government-funded mega projects elsewhere.

Strategy #3: Where there are already critical mass in existence such as: (1) pioneer land development resettlements implemented by SLDB ; (2) security resettlement schemes under RASCOM, and (3) HEP resettlement scheme at Batang Ai and Asap, Bakun, federal funding is urgently required for creating economic activities for settlers in the existing resettlement schemes. They lack income because they are inaccessible to expanded economic opportunities for supporting sustainable livelihood.

Strategy #4: The eligibility for assistance from federal agencies to participate in rubber, oil palm, cocoa and pepper schemes should weave out the requirement of land title for farmers with the certification of Tuai Rumah and/or Penghulu.

Strategy #5: Federal Government should channel subsidy scheme through MPOB directly to farmers in the vicinity of existing oil palm plantations so that they can get high income earning from planting a profitable crop like oil palm.

Strategy #6: Federal assistance should be spread out in view of the unique regional peculiarities of ethnic distribution in Sarawak in order to reduce economic disparity between ethnic groups and uneven development between regions. – The Broken Shield.

Economist warns of serious economic repercussions

(This article was first published in the Free Malaysia Today and has been updated and produced here for the readers of The Broken Shield).

KUCHING: An economist with University Malaysia Sarawak (UNIMAS) has warned of serious economic repercussions in the State if there are insufficient funds to create and implement economic activities alongside projects planned in the 10th Malaysia Plan.

“Where there are mega projects such as a heavy industry, hydro projects, construction of highways and SCORE projects being implemented in Sarawak in the 10MP, there should be sufficient funds to finance, create and implement economic projects alongside these projects.

“This is to avoid the failures and the experiences in Batang Ai and in Bakun,” said Professor Dr. Dimbab Ngidang at a paper presented at a recent seminar organised by Dayak Chamber of Commerce and Industry (DCCI).

Sarawak’s Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud opened the one-day seminar. Five papers were presented.

“We must learn from the past experiences in Batang Ai and Asap in Bakun. The SALCRA farm scheme in Batang Ai does not generate enough income for setters there nor does the resettlement scheme for settlers in Asap, let alone generating high income earning.

“I am not saying that they are not without income; they lack expanded economic opportunities to earn extra income. When resettlement scheme at Tunu (Kapit) is implemented there is also a strong possibility that settlers there will not likely to earn sufficient income like their counterparts in Batang Ai and Asap.

“This is why sufficient federal funding should be allocated to help the state government creates diversified high income generating economic activities for communities directly affected by mega projects,” he said.

Dimbab said: “Now, the same rationale of people-oriented approach in NEP should also be invoked for creating economic activities in order to expand economic opportunities for the affected communities not only in SCORE, but also alongside all government-funded development projects elsewhere.

“When the nation-state invokes a positive discrimination approach, it is not impossible for rural people to capture a fair distribution of socio-economic benefits and/or spin-off effects of the construction of HEP dams, establishment of heavy industry, infrastructures (roads) and modern facilities cutting across the hinterlands of Sarawak.

“That tall order of social responsibility has been discharged in NEP and should be continued for the sake of inclusiveness in the high income policy in NEM so that people in the peripheries are brought into the fold of mainstream economic development.

“Therefore, mixing the correct ingredients in a balancing act between striving for economic growth and inclusiveness of rural peripheries in NEM to create high economy is certainly for the interest of the nation-state so that the lower income groups especially in rural areas are not being left out in the 10MP and beyond,” he said.

Dimbab related a story how 3,600 people were displaced in 1982 as a result of the construction of the hydroelectric power (HEP) dam at Batang Ai, Sri Aman Division.

About 1,595 families were resettled in the land scheme in 1982, of which each family was allocated 4.5 hectares of farmland: 2 hectares of rubber, 1.2 hectares of cocoa and 0.4 hectares for a garden plot, whereas the remaining 0.8 hectare for rice cultivation is yet to be given.

The cocoa farm scheme was abandoned after cocoa price plunged in the 1980s and has been replanted with oil palm. Although the resettlement scheme provided facilities and infrastructure, the farm scheme has not been able to provide a sustainable income for the settlers, and the lack land for rice cultivation seems to add to the problem of food insecurity.

The aquaculture project in Batang Ai has long been discontinued for lack of funding and found to be not economically viable to run due to high cost of feed and limited market outlets.

He said that in the 1990s, 15 longhouses, comprising Kayan, Kenyah, Kajang, Ukit and Penan people with a total affected population of 9,4289 were resettled at Asap, Belaga district in Kapit Division. Three acres of land were allocated per household at Asap resettlement scheme.

He said: “In short, there are very little economic activities in these government-created resettlement schemes today. The same argument of insufficient income also befalls all these schemes; they are not with income, but not adequate enough for supporting sustainable livelihood.

“Perhaps, a thorough assessment of these projects is also necessary. Given the sacrifices they have rendered to the nation-state over the years, surely the existing critical mass in the above-mentioned schemes deserve special attention in terms of federal allocation for implementing affirmative action programs in the 10MP.

“Federal funding is crucial to help create economic activities in these resettlement schemes whether in the form of cottage industry, aquaculture, commercial orchards and vegetable production or food processing, etc., with supporting technical advisory services by relevant agencies and a guaranteed market for their products,” he said.

Book Review: BN Blunders and Plunders

Dean John is a writer who contributes articles to the Malaysiakini. His articles are based on what is happening to Malaysia, some of which are hair-raising issues.

Some of these articles are compiled into a book, The Missing Malaysia. Vividly written, the book contains many things that you may not have read anywhere before. It is full of lurid details of what the BN has done to the people and the country.

For those who have interest in Malaysian politics, this book is a must read one, as Malaysiakini feature editor, S. Vicknesan says ‘will make you smile, laugh, sigh, curse or roll your eyes as you go along.”

Published by Strategic Information and Research Development Centre, Selangor, the book is obtainable in major book stores in Kuching.

Let me highlight one of John’s articles, BN Blunders and Plunders:

John says: “I’d love to able to compute what BN blundering and plundering has cost Malaysia as a nation and each individual Malaysian personally, but thanks to media suppression and legislated secrecy, nobody really knows.

“Though dome idea of the staggering amount can be gleaned from an excellent article that one of my contacts sent me from Malaysia Today. Written by somebody calling him/herself ‘ez42get’, magazine, Daniel Lan, Southeast Asia economist with Morgan Stanley in Singapore, was quoted as estimating that Malaysia ‘may have lost US$100 billion (RM320 billion) since the early 1980’s to corruption."

“The article also contains a long, long catalogue of crimes and incompetencies, though just ‘the tip of the inceberg’ according to the author, including:

Ø The Bank Bumiputra scandals of the early 1980s (Cost, RM3.2 billion).

Ø Maminco’s 1980s attempt to corner the global tin market (RM1.6 billion).

Ø Bank Negara losses on foreign exchange features in the 1990s (RM30 billion).

Ø Perjawa steel loses (RM2.56 billion).

Ø Bank Islam scandal (RM700 million).

Ø Wang Ehsan from Trengganu oil royalty (RM7.4 billion).

Ø Shoring-up of Valuecap Sdn Bhd with public funds (RM10 billion).

Ø Commissions to Perimeker Sdn Bhd and IMT Defence Sdn Bhd on fighter and submarine deals (RM910 million).

Ø Unitemised IT equipment purchased for schools (RM2.21 billion).

Ø Soft loan to PKFZ (RM4.63 billion).

Ø Customs, Immigration and Quarantine complex for cancelled crooked bridge contract to Singapore (RM1.3 billion).

Ø Compensation to Gerbang Perdana for cancellation of crooked bridge contract (RM300 million).

Ø Two bailouts of Malaysian Airlines (RM7.9 billion).

Ø Bailout of Putra transport system (RM4.5 billion).

Ø Bailout of STAR-LRT transport system (RM3.256 billion).

Ø Bailout of Kajian Makanan dan Gunaan Orang Islam (RM8.3 billion).

Ø Compensation paid to 20 highway companies, as announced in 2006 (RM38.5 billion).

“I make that about RM126 billion so far, or according to my possibly somewhat suspect arithmetic, around $4,680 for every man, woman and child in Malaysia. But we’ve barely even started yet.

“The roll of dishonour compiled by ez42get goes on to list dozens more examples of blunder and plunder or both, including the RM100 million renovation of the Parliament building, the estimated RM500 million per year National Service program, the National Astronaut Program, the Eye of Malaysia, Le Tour de Langkawi, massive quantities of unused electoral indelible ink and bailouts of the National Sewerage system, Port Dickson Highway and Kuching Prison [projects.” – The Broken Shield.

KROKONG DECLARATION

BAU: The three-day Borneo Forests Conference which was attended by representatives from Sabah, Sarawak, West and East Kalimantan ended on 9 July with calls to their respective governments of Malaysia and Indonesia to recognise the rights of the indigenous peoples of Borneo.

The conference was jointly organised by Sarawak Dayak Iban Association (SADIA), Borneo Resource Institute Malaysia (BRIMAS), Building Initiative in Indigenous Heritage, PACOS Trust, Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara, Indonesia, and Jaringan Orang Asal SeMalaysia.

Called the Krokong Declaration, it reminds the two governments of their international human obligation to incorporate their rights into the national laws.

It also calls on the two governments to:

Ø ensure the full and effective participation of indigenous peoples in all development policies, plans, assessments and implementation related to indigenous peoples subject to our free, prior and informed consent (FPIC).

Ø impose a moratorium on development projects that have been identified to be implemented and planned in our territories that have violated our rights and do not have our FPIC.

Ø review all existing laws and regulations that undermine our rights as indigenous peoples.

Ø urge the governments of Malaysia and Indonesia to stop and investigate all forms of violence against our people, arising from all the common issues below.

The declaration says: “We, the indigenous peoples of Borneo coming from Indonesia and Malaysia gathered together for the very first time in Krokong, Bau, Sarawak, in the beautiful land of the Hornbills to discuss the common issues faced by the indigenous peoples of Borneo.

“We, the indigenous peoples of Borneo, have very distinct cultures and relations to our land, territories and resources. We strive to maintain these distinct values through our Adat and norms that have been passed down to us from our ancestors for generations. We have lived and nurtured our traditional knowledge, innovations and practices since time immemorial, making us the true custodians of our land, territories and resources.

“We, the indigenous peoples of Borneo have suffered social injustices resulting from the imposition of development aggression on our lands, territories and resources. All these have been done without our free, prior and informed consent (FPIC). We have not been included in the decision making processes, thus we continue to be marginalized and discriminated regardless of our basic human and customary rights to land, territories and resources, as stated in state, national and international laws.

“We call upon our governments, Malaysia and Indonesia, who adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), to fully uphold the rights contained in the Declaration.

“We, the indigenous peoples of Borneo declare our solidarity and unity in declaring the Krokong Declaration to be respected and recognized towards its implementation in Malaysia and Indonesia.

“We are further united by the common threats that face us: mega dam projects, mining and other extractive industries, oil palm plantations, deforestation and forest degradation, and climate change on our island of Borneo. We recognize that these threats are faced by indigenous peoples in Malaysia and Indonesia as well as around the world.

“In Borneo, the development of mega dams has displaced and involuntary forced resettlement of indigenous peoples causing losses of our customary land and source of livelihood, identity and culture. It will also contribute to climate change because of the emission of methane and carbon dioxide from forest clearing and from flooding of reservoir. Water-borne diseases like Malaria and Chikungunya happen more often in areas that surrounds the dam.

“The expansion of oil palm plantations is escalating in alarming and unprecedented proportions that destroy our customary land, territories and resources. This trend brings grave concern to us because it has adversely affected our social culture and livelihoods and unjustly deprived us of the very source of sustenance.

“Additionally, extractive industries such as mining and logging continue to encroach into our ancestral domains which have resulted in land and environmental quality degradation that further impoverish our people. All the extractive industries have contributed to climate change by emitting green house gases (GHGs).

“We are also adversely affected by climate change. Our rivers and land are drying, frequent occurrences of flash floods, unpredictable weather patterns and seasons that threaten our food security. Climate change mitigation schemes such as REDD can create potential threats to the ownership of our forests and our rights.

“All of the common issues above have increased the violation of our human rights in the form of intimidation, wrongful detention, criminalization, killings, deployment of gangsters and the use of para-military force against Indigenous Peoples. Likewise, our traditional values, institutions, governance system and knowledge as well as cultural heritage are being eroded as a result of these,” the declaration says.

The declaration also pledges that they work together as one people and one Borneo to respond to these threats in a united and systematic manner that will ensure the survival and dignity of our peoples.

It says: “We therefore, will work for the establishment of the Borneo Indigenous Peoples Alliance (BIPA) as the expression of our united stand for life and dignity.”

The Krokong Declaration will be submitted to the governments of Malaysia and Indonesia as well as to the State and provisional governments and the United Nations.- The Broken Shield.

Where is Sarawak heading to?

KUCHING: How many of us realise that the Sarawak Coalition Government was formed 40 years ago on 7 July 1970?

Sarawak’s first coalition government was initiated by Parti Bumiputra then headed by Abdul Rahman Yakub with Stephen Yong, Secretary General of Sarawak United People’s Party.

Both Parti Bumiputra and SUPP had won 12 seats each.

The Sarawak Chinese Association which had three seats dissolved itself and its members joined the coalition later making a total of 27 seats out 48-member Council Negeri (State Assembly).

Parti Pesaka Anak Sarawak (Pesaka) which had nine state assemblymen including an independent was invited, but it turned it down as it wanted the post of chief minister be given to the party. In the previous Alliance Government (before the election), Pesaka’s Penghulu Tawi Sli was the chief minister after Stephen Kalong Ningkan of Sarawak National Party was sacked.

Thus SNAP which so won 12 seats was left out of the coalition.

Before the State went to the election, the first after the formation of Malaysia in 1963, Sarawak was ruled by the Sarawak Alliance with Ningkan made the first chief minister.

However things were not going well with SNAP and other members of the Alliance which made of Parti Pesaka, Parti Berjasa and Parti Panas.

Ningkan was kicked out in September 1966 and as a result SNAP left the Alliance. Penghulu Tawi Sli of Pesaka was installed as chief minister after a series of court cases mounted by Kalong for his expulsion as the chief minister.

When the first direct election was held in May 1969, there was a racial riot as a result the election for Sarawak was postponed to July 1970.

In the chaotic and a hung Council Negeri, Abdul Rahman Yakub took advantage of the situation and started to negotiate at first with Pesaka. But Pesaka insisted that the chief minister’s post must be given to one of his elected representatives.

Ambitious Rahman then turned to SUPP. He contacted Yong, and Ong Kee Hui, SUPP president for a meeting.

It was a surprised move by Rahman as SUPP had known to be heavily infested with communist elements. Many of its members had been arrested and others fled to the jungle to conduct armed struggle against the government.

Rahman did not want SNAP as he had been one of those engineering for the downfall of Ningkan government. And further more SNAP leaders had full of hatred against Rahman. Certainly they could not work with him.

On its own initiatives, SNAP also negotiated with Pesaka and SUPP to form a coalition government. But SUPP betrayed SNAP when it chose to work with Parti Bumiputra (combination of Panas and Berjasa).

According to Yong in his book, 'A Life Lived Twice', he preferred not to work with Iban-led government as Kuala Lumpur might “disturb” them in the absence of Malay representatives in the government.

But the coalition on the other hand without Ibans was also equally instable so Rahman sent his men (Sidi Munan and Alfred Mason) to talk to Pesaka leaders including its president Temenggong Jugah anak Barieng. But they refused to meet them. All the State assemblymen were kept at the official residence of Temenggong Jugah.

Somehow or rather, Penghulu Abok Anak Jalin who had won the Kemena seat on a Pesaka ticket was found having breakfast near the Mayfair Hotel and was virtually “kidnapped” and taken to a house at Ong Tiang Swee Road and from here he was transferred to Arif Hotel.

Efforts to contact other Pesaka State assemblymen were not that easy as all of them were kept and guarded at the house. However, a letter purportedly to have come from Alfred Mason, a brother-in-law of Simon Dimbab Maja, to Simon Dimbab Maja was passed to Jugah’s driver who smuggled and gave it to Maja. As soon as he received the letter, Maja told his friends he had the urge to take “laksa” and left hurriedly in the official car of Jugah who was then the federal minister for Sarawak Affairs to an open market.

On arrival at the open market, Maja according to the driver, wearing only slippers rushed to Arif Hotel where Abok and other Coalition leaders were present. They were told that they would be sworn as ministers. Maja would be appointed a Deputy Chief Minister.

The “kidnapping” of the two left Jugah with little choice and his ministerial post was under threat if Pesaka did not join the coalition. So Jugah was not only forced to join the coalition, but also agreed to merge Pesaka with Bumiputra three years later to form Parti Pesaka Bumiputra Bersatu.

This was how Rahman became chief minister of Sarawak until 26 March 1981 when his nephew, Abdul Taib Mahmud took over.

That in a nutshell is the historical background to the formation of the coalition.

Since Yakub’s time and now Taib, so much water has run under the bridge. Much development has taken place. Some rural areas have been turned into rural growth centres equipped with infrastructures. And much more still need to be done for example the construction of roads and in supplying electricity and clean water to longhouses.

When compared the two governments – one by the uncle and the other by the nephew, the Rahman government concentrated on exploitation of timbers; many of Rahman’s family members and cronies were given timber concessions.

And under Taib, he continues to exploit timber also for his family members and cronies, but also concentrates on grabbing NCR lands belonging to the Dayaks and leasing them to his family members and cronies.

And today PBB is indisputably the backbone of the State government and the most powerful party; it can even rule Sarawak without the participation of other Barisan Nasional partners. From 21 seats (Bumiputra 12 plus Pesaka nine), it has now 34 seats – one short of simple majority. So strong is PBB that its president Taib is considered as the “uncrowned king” of Sarawak.

SUPP was once a very strong party and due to internal bickering it has become a weak party. From 12 seats when it joined the coalition, it has now 11 seats after losing eight seats to the Opposition in the 2006 state election.

SNAP has zero elected representatives after number crises. Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak was born out of the 1983 crisis but was deregistered 21 years later suffering also from a leadership crisis. As a result Parti Rakyat Sarawak was registered.

SPDP was also formed out of SNAP’s second crisis in 2002.

Now at the age of 74, Taib, looking frail and sickly is seriously looking for a replacement. He may leave the government after the next state election that may be called before June next year.

But questions beg answers are: What will be the next political scenario like say after Taib Mahmud leaves the political scene? Where will Sarawak be heading to? Its direction?

Soothsayers and fortune tellers are busy predicting the future of the State. Many portend the downfall of the BN state government and the collapse of PBB as the leaders will scramble for top posts in the party.

SUPP they say may be reduced to a mosquito party due to lack of support from the Chinese community. Perhaps PRS and SPDP may still win some Dayak seats. Or perhaps the two parties may merge into one entity.

Even if the BN state government is still intact, what will happen if the Federal Government goes to the Pakatan Rakyat?

If this is going to be the next political scenario, Sarawak will be in deep trouble with or without Taib as chief minister. – The Broken Shield

Source: www.thebrokenshield.blogspot.com

Ibans hold peaceful demonstration

By Roselind Jarrow

(This story was first published by Free Malaysia Today and is updated and published for the readers of The Broken Shield).

SEBUYAU: Iban natives of five longhouses held a peaceful demonstration in front of Sebuyau District Office in protest against the licensing of their ‘pulau galau’ (communal forest).

About 250 of them including nine Tuai Rumah (longhouse chiefs) were carrying banners and placards while their representatives were meeting with officials of Sarawak Forest Department, Sarawak Forest Corporation, Land and Survey and Quarry Concrete Holding to settle the dispute over three pieces of forest.

A group of Police personnel was present but did not take any action.

The natives claim that the 3,305 hectares of forest between Sungai Sebangan and Sungai Sebuyau are their communal forest and part of their native customary rights land.

It is also a water catchment area supplying water to Sebangan Bazaar and surrounding villages.

But the Forest Department has given the Quarry Concrete Holding a licence to log timbers from the area where some of the rare species of timber are found.

In the meeting which was presided over by Sarawak Administrative Officer Abdul Rahman, the natives were represented by Numpang Suntai, a retired Shell senior officer and Nicholas Mujah, a local activist.

Mujah, who is also Secretary General of Sarawak Dayak Iban Association (SADIA), said that the Forest and Land and Survey officials demanded that the natives must provide proofs that the forest is their communal forest.

He said the natives will file their claim with affidavits during their next meeting this time with officials of the Land and Survey Department in Kota Samarahan on 14 July.

He said the timber company was told not to carry out its operations until the dispute is settled.

Mujah praised the Police personnel for their neutrality in the dispute.

Last week the natives invaded the campsite and confiscated keys of the company’s five bulldozers, two excavators and five lorries and handed them to the Police for safe-keeping.

Election: Watch out for Taib’s beard

By Joseph Tawie

(This story was first published by Free Malaysia Today and is updated, rewritten and published for the readers of The Broken Shield).

KUCHING – As election is approaching, Sarawakians start talking – talking not about the date of election, but about Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud’s beard. As usual the date of Sarawak election is being determined by the length of Taib’s beard after he has started sporting it. Once it reaches a certain length, he will then be looking for “ilham” or inspiration.

Even though the election is about 13 months away, Sarawakians are watching the growth of his beard whenever he passes by or whenever his pictures appear in the Press.

All parties in the State Barisan Nasional or in the Pakatan Rakyat are making their election preparations because they do not know how fast is his beard is growing or when Taib will have the inspiration; nor do they want to be caught with their pants down.

Party leaders from both sides of the divide have started to criss-cross the length and breadth of the State, busily organising various functions. For the Barisan, its State representatives have started to announce funds for various development projects and to distribute funds for the village and longhouse development and security committees’ ‘gotong royong’ projects.

As if not to be left behind, the election commission has also identified election personnel and has started to train them to carry out election duties.

While watching the growth of Taib’s beard, and with all these intensified activities, many are predicting the election is to be held some time towards the end of the year; some even suggest it is going to be September or October. There are others who say the election will be held in March or April next year.

According to hotel sources: “Many of the star hotels in Kuching have been fully booked around October apparently for officials of the election commission and for federal ministers who will be coming in droves to assist in the campaigns.”

A political secretary to the Chief Minister, who refused to be identified said that the government’s five-year 10 MP (10 Malaysia Plan) starts in July this year during which time massive development funds will be dished out throughout the nation with special attention to Sarawak’s Corridor of Renewal Energy (SCORE).

Tenders for mega projects such as the Bakun Road to the proposed Murum Dam, the Bintulu/Tunoh/Baleh/Kotai road and Kapit/Song/Sibu road will be out soon. The three trunk roads are expected to cost close to RM2 billion.

There are also several major projects which are to be implemented under 10MP in other parts of Sarawak, for which funds amounting to RM3.4 billion had been announced by the Rural and Regional Development Minister Shafie Apdal.

Every BN Member of Parliament is being given an extra RM500,000 this year making a total of RM1.5 million and this sum will be distributed to the state constituencies which are under the parliamentary constituency.

The State Barisan Headquarters has reminded the four component parties – Parti Pesaka Bumiputra Bersatu (PBB), Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP), Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party (SPDP) and Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS) - to get their machinery ready.

“These are not only the tell-tale signs that the election is indeed around the corner, but also an overall effort of the State Barisan to ensure the voters do not run away from them” said a veteran politician who is very close to the Chief Minister.

Little doubt BN is expected to win the state election. “But we cannot be complacent. We need to work harder to ensure we will win the election in a big way,” said Shafie Apdal when he visited Sarawak recently.

His fears are understandable after he had heard briefing on the state of affairs regarding the persistent problems affecting political parties in the State and they have been told to make their houses in order and stop infighting.

While PBB and PRS are almost free from any internal problem, SPDP and SUPP have some “inside” problems that may undermine their performances in the coming election.

The problem in SPDP is more about clash of personality, policy implementation and broken promises. Grumbles and grouses have been heard as early as March last year when certain leaders wanted to extend SPDP’s wings to West Malaysia, but stringently opposed by another group which wanted to ensure that the party’s grip on the local scene be strengthened.

“Why should we go to West Malaysia when we are weak in the State?” asked Sylvester Enteri who was then the secretary general.

Another important factor that led to the squabbles in the party was the rumoured intention of the party’s deputy president Peter Nyarok who wanted to relinquish his post to pave the way for Tiong King Sing, treasurer general to take over at the party’s triennial general assembly in December last year.

At least half of the party’s supreme council members did not wish Tiong to be the deputy president, so they came up with another list to challenge President William Mawan and those in the president’s list.

However in order to avoid being challenged, Mawan called for status quo. They all agreed and Enteri was to remain as secretary general. But after the party election was over, Enteri was sacked as secretary general. This triggered the walk-out by four State assemblymen including Enteri and one MP from the party’s supreme council meeting.

Until now they refuse any reconciliation; in fact they do not want to come back as long as Mawan, Nyarok and Tiong are still with the party. That is a very tall order. Now they want to be merged with another BN party, PRS.

Whatever and however you look into the SPDP problems, they are bound to have some multiple effects on the coming election.

For SUPP, it has been bogged down by a power struggle and jealousy within the party. The “Dudong branch” issue for example has been a thorn in its flesh for the past three years without any sign of it being solved. In fact it has gotten from bad to worse.

While one section of the party wanted to form the branch, another group opposed it. When SUPP president George Chan failed to solve it, some 28 branches of the party have asked for extra ordinary meeting to help solve the problem, but their request has been turned down, setting a major clash between supporters of Wong Soon Koh, State Assemblyman for Bawang Assan and Soon Choon Teck, State Assemblyman for Dudong.

Both of them have been in the centre of the crisis with neither one is prepared to give way, resulting in the problem being dragged on and on affecting not only SUPP branches and members in Sibu, but also State wide. As a result of the infighting, SUPP lost the Sibu parliamentary constituency in the May 16 by-election.

The effect of this divide may result in State seats in the midst and lower Rajang basin in jeopardy. Seats like Repok, Dudong, Pelawan and Bawang Assan are sure to face an uphill battle in the coming election if the previous election results have any indication. SUPP has already lost Meradong and Bukit Assek to DAP in the last election.

Elsewhere, SUPP also lost Kidurong, Batu Lintang, Kota Santosa, Padungan, Pending and Engkilili.

These are the problems that Taib has been pondering while waiting for his beard to grow or while waiting for an inspiration to come. Nevertheless, election must be held in June 2011 whether the beard has grown or whether an inspiration will come or not.