PRS jittery over PBDS possible return?

Former leaders of deregistered PBDS claim there are still 100,000 ex-members who are awaiting its registration and return.

KUCHING: Is the revival of the de-registered Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak (PBDS) a threat to James Masing-led Party Rakyat Sarawak (PRS)? Is that why PRS secretary-general Wilfred Nissom unleashed a volley of questions at its former PBDS leaders?

In a SMS message to FMT following reports that former PBDS leaders had met up at a reunion dinner and the party’s status was discussed, Nisson asked: “What are these ex-PBDS members up to in reviving the party?

“Is it a response to PRS’s stance? Or is it going to contribute to Dayak solidarity?”

Nissom said it is crucial that protem officials of PBDS Baru, which is pending registeration, explain their status.

“Is it [PBDS Baru] going to contest PRS’ claim of being the continuation of PBDS?

“Or is it going to recover the Dayak majority seats that PRS cannot claim back due to the fact that PRS is a member of the Barisan Nasional?

“How PBDS Baru chooses to answer these questions will determine whether the party can be said to be good or otherwise for Sarawak and Dayaks in particular,” he said.

PBDS was deregistered on Oct 21, 2004 when Masing, who was then PBDS publicity chief and Sng Chee Hua, then PBDS senior vice-president, were attempting to dislodge Daniel

Tajem as PBDS president in the 2003 party triennial delegates’ conference.

Tajem’s team mate was Joseph Salang.

100,000 members partyless

The challenge created an unresolved leadership crisis which led to the party to be deregistered in October 2004. It was the same day Masing formed PRS.

Masing is the PRS president.

Of 148,000 members, some 40,000 are now with PRS and other parties including BN component parties.

But more than 100,000 of them have remained partyless until today and their anger against Masing is just like the “embers of a fire”. They have blamed Masing for the crisis.

Masing, they said, chose to side with Sng instead of Salang.

In the effort to get rid of Tajem, Masing cooperated with Sng to destroy PBDS and was blind to the real character of Sng.

The Ibans likened Masing’s association with Sng to “Kumang nupi sawa” (Kumang rearing a python) which in the end would devour him.

(When they formed PRS, Sng, who was deputy president then, tried to get rid of Masing in May 2006. Sng’s efforts almost landed PRS in big trouble including deregistration)

Meanwhile, responding to Nissom’s questions, Louis Jarau, protem president of PBDS Baru, said there is nothing for Nissom or PRS to be afraid of as their efforts to register PBDS Baru do not concern him or his party.

“We are not disturbing other people. We just want the party to be registered. Is anything wrong with that?

“It is yet to be registered, so why are you so concerned with PBDS Baru?” he said, pointing out that PRS should be more concerned with the coming general election as Sarawak Workers Party is after them.


PBDS Baru no concern of PRS

Jarau said that the purpose of reviving the party was to continue with the struggle left unfinished with PBDS’ deregistration.

“We don’t want to pick quarrel with anybody. Whosoever is partyless and shares our struggle can join our party once it is registered.

“As a Dayak-based party, PBDS Baru will be the platform for the Dayaks to voice their concerns. This will be the difference between PBDS Baru and PRS which is a multi-racial,” he said.

He lamented that as of now no party, especially in BN, has expressed concern over the way the Dayaks are being treated.

On the coming election, Jarau said: “We never think about it. Our priority is to get the party registered.

“If it cannot be registered under this present government, we will wait for a new government that can be more sympathetic to our cause.

“I am sure things will change after the general election,” he added.

Before its deregistration, PBDS was the second biggest party in the state BN at one time with 15 state assemblymen and nine MPs.

-   - TAKEN FROM FREE MALAYSIA TODAY

PRS wants more Community leaders

KUCHING:  Parti Rakyat Sarawak wants total revamp to a system of appointing community leaders in the state, who have now become a political tool of the state Barisan Nasional to ‘suppress and oppress’ (to borrow a famous term by Deputy Chief Minister Alfred Jabu), those who do not support the Barisan Nasional.

“Indeed the community leaders have now become the ‘eyes and ears’ of the government, and report directly to their respect elected representatives,” said a senior PRS leader who did not wish to be named.

The case of Frusis Lebi came into mind. Frusis had his welfare allowance and agricultural subsidies withdrawn when his case of supporting the Opposition was reported by his Tuai Rumah to the local representative.

“In fact they (community leaders) will help strengthen the position of the political party in the rural areas,” he said, pointing out that in Sarawak Temenggong is the highest in the hierarchy of the community leaders.

In Iban, the Tuai Rumah (longhouse headman) is at the bottom of the list. His responsibility is towards the security and development of people in his longhouse. Often, he is the chairman of the longhouse security and development committee (JKKK). A step higher than the Tuai Rumah is a Penghulu who controls a number of longhouses.

Coming next is the Pemanca. A number of Penghulu is under his wing.

Likewise, a number of Pemanca is under the Temenggong.

Unlike the days of pre-independence when Tuai Rumah, Penghulu, Pemanca and Temenggong were elected by the people and were basically native courts judges, but today they are appointed by the parties in the government. Often they are also grassroots leaders of political parties especially within the Barisan Nasional.

“The strength of a party especially in the rural areas is determined by the number of community leaders it can appoint as they are the ones who control the rural dwellers,” said the PRS leader, pointing out that sometimes they are being used to intimidate their own followers or even used to prevent the opposition from entering the longhouses.

In the previous elections, they were also used as campaigners and ‘distributors’ of funds to voters in their respective longhouses.

The community leaders are obligated to do what their political masters want them to do, since they receive monthly allowances ranging from RM450.00 for Tuai Rumah to RM650.00 for Penghulu, RM750 for Pemanca and to RM850.00 for Temenggong.

The appointment of community leaders especially the Tuai Rumah has also other negative effects on the longhouse folk as everyone scrambles to curry favours with the local elected representatives, and in the process it creates a lot of enmity and animosity amok the longhouse people.

Even among the component parties of the Barisan Nasional, the appointment of community leaders can create suspicions.

This is what is happening now.

And for this reason and others, PRS President James Masing has formed a committee in his party to relook at the community leader appointment system with a view to ensure fairness in the distribution of the community leaders among the component parties of the Barisan Nasional.

The committee is headed by Vice-President John Sikie Tayai.

Masing said: “The main aim of the committee will be to come up with an appointment system which better reflects the ethnic composition of an area.

“This would involve taking a close look at the criteria for the appointment of community leaders such as Temenggong, Pemanca, Penghulu and Tuai Rumah or Tua Kampong among in particular the Dayak Community.

“Once we have made the findings, PRS will then forward its recommendations to the state government,” said Masing, who is a senior minister and Minister for Land Development.

PRS and Masing have every right to be moaned the treatment meted out at the party.

 Even though PRS denies that it is being bullied or treated like ‘anak tiri’ (adopted child), facts speak volumes of how the party is being treated in respect of the appointment of community leaders as well as other political appointments – posts of political secretaries and directors of government-linked companies.

Citing the appointment of Temenggong as an example, a PRS leader said the party has no Temenggong in all the 11 divisions of the State Administration.

“We did recommend Asan Ngang to be the Temenggong of the Iban Community for the Limbang Division to the State Task force following the retirement of Temenggong Jarum. His nomination was rejected by the Task force.

“And for several years now, Limbang has no Iban Temenggong,” he said.

Even Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party has no Temenggong in its fold.

The task force is said to be headed by Deputy Chief Minister Alfred Jabu Anak Numpang, who is also the Deputy President of PBB.

PBB appoints its own men or those who have close links with PBB as Temenggong. For example,  former Kapit MP from PBB James Jimbun as Temenggong of Kuching, Samarahan – Temenggong Anthony Nyipa,  Sri Aman – Temenggong Kanang Anak Langkau,  Betong – Temenggong Nunong Anak Danan, Sibu – Temenggong Adrian Ranggau,  Kapit – Temenggong Kenneth Kanyan,  Bintulu – Temenggong Kelambu Ak Medan, and Miri – Temenggong  Wilson Atong Anak Limping.

Even PRS’s recommendations for some of its men to be appointed as Pemanca, Penghulu and longhouse chiefs have been rejected.

Undoubtedly, PBB has little respect for PRS which is the ‘youngest’ of the four-party BN coalition in the State. It was registered on October 24, 2004 the day Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak was deregistered by the Registrar of Societies.

PRS was supposed to take over the place of PBDS, and has been fighting for the rights and interest of the Dayaks, the Ibans in particular. But it is being treated with suspicions by especially PBB until today because the majority of its members were once PBDS’ hardcore supporters.

“We are still being regarded with suspicions even though we mean well in the so-called power sharing of the Barisan Nasional,” said a PRS leader.

Sng’s intention snubbed

KUCHING:  Sng Chee Hua’s intention to make  Sarawak Workers Party as the best alternative to Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS) has made PRS leaders amused and made them  laughing as they know he is making fun of the Dayak community.

“He is not serious because he has no cause to fight for the Dayak community,” said Wilson Nyabong, PRS Information Chief.

Nyabong, who is also political secretary to Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud, was reacting to remarks made Sng who wanted to turn SWP as the best alternative to PRS to look after the interest of the Dayak community.

Sng’s remark has stirred some reactions and comments from PRS members even though they know that Sng is playing with the emotions and pride of the Dayak community.

SWP which was registered recently is headed by Dr. Ong Lark Sai with George Lagong, the Pelagus Assemblyman as his deputy. Both Ong and Lagong are related to Sng.

“We know who Sng is. He and SWP have no cause to fight for the Dayak community and SWP just cannot replace PRS as an alternative party to look after the interest of the Dayak community,” said Nyabong.

“We know that he has been using Dayaks and Dayak-based political parties to popularise and enrich himself by getting business for himself especially in the days of Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak,” he alleged.

Even when he was still in PRS, Sng was also given contracts to build or repairs schools in the state and also given a land in Kapit to plant banana.

“And those who know him will not want to contest and to be used by him to divide the Dayaks,” Nyabong stressed, pointing out that Sng has been dropping names of Prime Minister and Chief Minister to convince the Dayaks to support him and his party.

Commenting on the same issue, PRS former supreme council member, Joseph Allen said that Sng was day dreaming of trying to make SWP as the best alternative to PRS.

“His statement made me laugh. He has no agenda to fight for the Dayaks,” he said, calling on him not to insult the intelligence of the Dayak community.

“Nowadays there are many Dayak graduates and professionals, and why would we want Sng, a non-Dayak to lead us?

“His real motive is to divide the Dayaks and to embarrass James Masing (PRS President) who had expelled him from PRS in May 2006,” Allen said.

“For those who know Sng well, they  will keep a distance away from him what more to say becoming his candidates for the coming election,” he said, advising those Dayaks not be agents to divide the Dayak community.

Sng has said that the newly registered party would contest only in PRS-held constituencies of Julau, Selangau, Kanowit, Hulu Rajang, Lubok Antu and Sri Aman.

Lately Sng and other top SWP leaders have been going around in Kanowit, Julau and Selangau identifying candidates to contest against candidates put up by PRS in the three parliamentary seats.

His meetings were well attended by the longhouse folk.

In Julau, he has shortlisted two candidates namely Josephine Mawat and her son Collin Bala to contest against Joseph Salang, who is Deputy Minister of Information, Communications and Culture.

Contesting against Joseph Entulu, PRS Deputy President in Selangau could likely be Sng himself.

As for Kanowit, a lecturer and Iban singer, Ellison Ludan and a former Deputy Public Prosecutor Thomas Akin have expressed interest to contest the seat against Aaron Dagang.

George Lagong, the Pelagus assemblyman, who is also the SWP protem Deputy President, is earmarked to contest in Hulu Rajang.

Sng is yet to find candidates for Lubok Antu and Sri Aman.

“What worries me is that some Dayaks are prepared to be used by Sng to split and divide the Dayaks.

“They know who Sng is, and yet they are prepared to be his tool to cause disunity,” Allen added.

Will SNAP be deregistered for the second time?

KUCHING:  Will the first Dayak-based party, Sarawak National Party (SNAP) be finally deregistered this time by the Federal Court?

Some people say that it is good if it is deregistered in order to minimise Dayaks being split and scattered in Dayak-based parties. It would be good all the Dayaks go to one single party either in Barisan Nasional or in Pakatan.

There are those who want to maintain that SNAP is still relevant. What do you think?

SNAP Secretary General Frankie Nyumboi said that the party remains a properly registered political party unless and until the court decides otherwise.

Nyumboi was asked to comment on a news item saying that the dispute over the registration of SNAP is not over yet as the Registrar of Societies has been given the nod by the Federal Court to appeal against a court decision which had restored the party’s registration.

“My comment and reaction to the news is simply to say that it is a normal process of litigation and ROS has a right to file for a leave of appeal to the Federal Court to appeal against the decision of the Appeal Court.

“As it is, leave it to the Federal Court to decide and as far as the party is concerned it remains as a properly registered political party unless and until the court decides otherwise.

“We are operating as usual and our rebranding and rebuilding exercise proceeds on,” Nyumboi told The Broken Shield.

Meanwhile, the three-member Federal Court last Tuesday unanimously allowed ROS’ application for leave to appeal against the decision of the Court of Appeal in setting aside the ROS’ order in 2002 to deregister SNAP following the party’s failure to resolve its protracted leadership crisis.

The appeal concerned the interpretation of Section 13 and Section 16 of the Societies Act which were not decided by the Federal Court.

The Federal Court would have to determine four legal questions in the appeal proceeding including a question on whether under Section 16 of the Societies Act 1966 read together with Section 13 (2) of the same act, ROS was required to act mechanically or has the discretion to cancel a society’s registration if conditions under Section 16(1) were not complied with.

Another question of law was whether under Section 16 of the Societies Act 1966 read with Section 13 of the same act, ROS is required to give reasons for his decision in cancelling the registration of a society if conditions under Section 16(1) were not complied with.

SNAP was deregistered by ROS on November 2002 following a leadership crisis which also led to the formation of Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party.

SNAP then applied for stay of execution, and after eight years in the political doldrums, it was given a new lease of life by the Court of Appeal on June 23, 2010.

It held its first triennial general assembly (TGA) on January 15, 2012 during which Stanley Jugol was elected as the sixth president of the party.

Formed on April 10, 1962, SNAP which became the third party to be formed after Sarawak United People’s Party and Party Negara opened the way for the Dayaks to be fully involved in political activities in preparation for Sarawak’s independence.

Sarawak became independent when it joined Sabah (then North Borneo), Singapore and Malaya to form the federation of Malaysia on September 16, 1963. (Singapore withdrew from the federation on August 8, 1965).

SNAP formed an alliance government with Parti Pesaka Anak Sarawak, another Dayak-based party which was led by Temenggong Jugah Anak Barieng and Parti Panas led by Abang Openg bin Abg. Sapiee.

Stephen Kalong Ningkan, SNAP Secretary General was made the first Chief Minister of Sarawak, while Jugah became the Minister for Sarawak Affairs and Openg appointed the first governor.

With nine members of Parliament and 18 state assemblymen in the early days of Sarawak’s independence, SNAP today has been reduced to skeletal remains after it has been split twice in its 50 years of existence.

The deregistered Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak, Parti Rakyat Sarawak and SPDP were the off-shoots of the party. 

Can PRS be able to replace PBDS?

KUCHING: While Sarawak United People’s Party and Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party are embroiled in leadership tussles, Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS) is positioning itself to become the second largest party in the state Barisan Nasional after Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu.

Despite it is a comparatively new party, PRS is slowly gaining its strength among the Dayak community, and in its seven years of existence it has now more than 45,000 members about 99.9% percent of them are rural Dayaks.

It has six members of parliament and eight state assemblymen, while SPDP has four MPs and six assemblymen and SUPP has five MPs and six assemblymen.

PBB has 14 MPs and 35 assemblymen. DAP has two MPs and 13 assemblymen, PKR has two assemblymen and one independent assemblyman.

Its six MPs are Joseph Salang (MP for Julau), who is also deputy minister of information, communications and Culture; Joseph Entulu (Selangau), who is also minister of rural and regional development; Billy Abit Joo (Ulu Rajang), Aaron Dagang (Kanowit), Masir Kujat (Sri Aman) and William Nyallau (Lubok Antu), and its eight state assemblymen are James Masing, Land Development Minister (Baleh), Alexander Vincent (Ngemah), Joseph Mauh (Tamin), John Sikie (Kakus), Mong Dagang (Bukit Bangunan), Snowdan Lawan (Balai Ringin), Liwan Lagang (Belaga) and Malcolm Mussen (Batang Ai).

In his speech at the 7^th anniversary dinner on October 21, PRS President James Masing was very blunt warning party members that they must adapt to the changing political landscape if they want to see that the party not only remains strong, but also relevant.

“We are facing very organised, focussed and determined political foes who have gained public acceptance,” he said to more than 2,000 members at the dinner.

To his BN partners, he cautioned them that they cannot take for granted any more the support from the rural people although they may be BN’s ‘fixed deposit’ before.

“BN must tackle each segment of the society differently and with great care. It would be a mistake if we assume that all Malaysians want the same thing.

“We cannot lump rural and urban needs under one request, nor can we bluff and frighten our people to support us by denying them minor rural projects (MRP) funds if they refuse to heed to our requests.

“The political landscape has gone beyond MRP. Many candidates and political parties have fallen on the wayside because they failed to move and change with times and demands of their constituents,” said Masing, predicting that more will fall in the years to come if we do not change and adjust to the new political development.

Masing who is Land Development Minister also spoke of the many obstacles and challenges that the party had faced and overcome in its seven years of existence.

Masing was referring to a leadership crisis that had almost led the party to deregistration. It was only saved from such fate with the help of the then Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi in April 2009.

Indeed it has a very turbulent history.

PRS was formed following a leadership crisis in Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak (PBDS) as a result of Masing teaming with Sng Chee Hua trying to challenge Daniel Tajem and Joseph Salang for the party’s two tops in the 2003 party election.

The determination by both sides to win the party leadership had created a deep division within the party so much so that each had its own ‘headquarters’ with its own ‘president’ and its own ‘supreme council’.

Both camps accused each other of cheating and submitting false annual returns to the Registrar of Societies, and as they did not trust each other, the two camps organised their separate ‘triennial delegates conferences’.

The two camps brought their complaints to the Registrar of Societies. As they were unable to see eye to eye on how to solve the crisis, PBDS was deregistered on December 5, 2003.

Tajem and Salang met with the then Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi to appeal for reinstatement of PBDS, and they were given another chance to organise another TGA.

When both sides still could not agree to the terms and conditions of holding the proposed TGA, PBDS was deregistered for the second time on October 21, 2004, the day when Masing’s men registered Parti Rakyat Sarawak.

Tajem and Salang refused to bring the matter to court.

Meanwhile, Masing’s party applied to join the Barisan Nasional and was readily accepted. Initially PRS had difficulty in getting ex-PBDS members to join the party, but after some time some leaders in the Tajem camp including elected representatives joined the party.

However, PRS was not that lucky. As it tried to regroup itself, the party was hit by another crisis when its deputy president Sng Chee Hua tried to replace Masing as the president of the party allegedly over some business opportunities.

The Sng group alleged that Masing did not share with them some of the lucrative projects and tenders given to the party.

As if history repeats itself. What happened to PBDS between 2003 and 2004 happened to PRS in 2006 organising their separate assemblies, and in the process the two camps elected their own ‘presidents’, with two ‘headquarters’ and two ‘supreme councils’.

Masing was ‘elected’ president of his camp, while Larry Sng who took over from his father was ‘elected’ president in his group. Larry Sng ‘sacked’ from his party, Likewise, Masing ‘sacked’ Larry Sng and all those who supported him from his party.

The two leaders, however, brought their case to be settled by the Registrar of Societies as to which one of the group was legally elected.

It was only in April 2009 when the Registrar recognised Masing and his supreme council were legally elected.

Now as the party celebrates its 7^th anniversary, many Dayaks especially the former members of the defunct PBDS who have remained partyless are still harbouring suspicions on Masing’s motive and are unconvinced of his efforts to fight for the interest of the Dayaks.

They still can remember what he had done to PBDS which had then become the household word among the Dayak community.

Lately, however, Masing seemed to project himself as the spokesman of the Dayak community when Alfred Jabu, PBB Deputy President and Deputy Chief Minister and William Mawan Ikom, SPDP President and Social Development Minister appeared to be quiet on issues that concerned the Dayaks.

Masing is very vocal on issues such as the lack of Dayaks in the state civil service and the number of Dayaks holding high and important posts in government and government-linked companies, the perimeter survey of NCR land, the definition of NCR land, dams and the resettlement of displaced natives, and oil palm plantations in native lands, excessive timber operations and logjam.

On some of the more sensitive issues he privately told BN leaders of his concern and fear that they might be exploited by the Opposition.

It is understood that his party does not agree with the state definition of NCR land which comprises only temuda land (farming land), but agrees with the Court definition that NCR includes pulau galau (communal forest), pemakai menua (territorial domain), grave ground, tembawai (land where the old longhouses had been built), farming land, gardens, and etc.

In a recent seminar on NCR land, he has come up with a new strategy to develop the NCR land such as urging the natives to go for small holding under government supervision.

“Masing’s biggest problem is to convince the Dayaks especially the young and educated ones to support him in order to make PRS as the platform to fight for their interest within the Barisan Nasional.

“And if he is able to convince them, then Masing is not only able to get a listening ear from Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud, but he can also able to make PRS to play role of the defunct PBDS.

“Otherwise, Masing’s efforts are mere rhetoric for the consumption of the general public particularly the Dayaks,” said a former PBDS Member of Parliament.

As the Iban saying said: “ikak lelengak ikan enda ngaban, kudi muri hari enda ujan”.

The legendary Tra Zehnder

KUCHING: Sarawak mourns for the loss of two of the most distinguished personalities – the death of James Wong on Monday, July 18, who was one of the founding fathers of Sarawak’s independence within the federation of Malaysia, and the other is Sarawak’s first appointed Council Negeri (State legislative assembly) member Tra Zehnder.

Tra passed away on Friday night, the day when Wong was buried in Limbang. A few hundred people attended her funeral service on Monday July 25.

Both Wong and Tra, who had contributed immensely to Sarawak’s social and political development, had created history one way or the other and had set up exemplary roles for young Sarawakians.

For Tra, she was best known for her fight not only against injustice and unfairness meted out against the Dayaks by the colonial government, but her crusade against the exploitation and degradation of Iban women depicted on postcards as bare-breasted beauties which were also used as tourism ‘materials’.

Born as Philomena Tra on October 25, 1926 to Inting Jemat and Sara Unang, both Ibans from Simanggang, she married a Burmese Eurasian who was a colonial government officer. Through her marriage, she was placed among those in high society, an opportunity not many women, less of all Dayak women were able to enjoy.

Tra’s leadership quality was first spotted in 1957 by Mr. Jakeway, chief Secretary to the Sarawak Colonial Government when she was actively involved in Serakup Indu Dayak Sarawak (SIDS) which she used as a vehicle to fight against injustice and oppression against particularly the Dayaks.

She was the secretary of the association and later became one of its longest serving presidents whose tirade was against the exploitation and manipulation of Iban women posed bare-breasted as tourism materials and pictured in post cards for overseas “consumption”.

After repeatedly calling for such cards to be banned, the government finally gave in to her demands when pictures of bare-breasted women were removed from the walls and postcards containing the same were banned.

Known among the official circles as a fighter, it was not surprising that Tra was appointed to be the first woman as a member of the council Negeri. In the council which was dominated by men, she managed to make her presence felt through her oratorical skills and her eloquence in English which was the only language used in the Council.

One of her first demands was to call on the Colonial Government to recognise the existence of the Dayaks, their contribution to Sarawak’s economy, racial harmony and stability by declaring one day in a year as Gawai Dayak preferably to be on June 1 every year.

Although her request was rejected, she had, however, paved the way for Stephen Kalong Ningkan’s government to approve it.

Today, 46 years later Gawai Dayak has always been observed state-wide, and recognised nationally.

“All these years, I have been giving and continue to give free and voluntary service. I have never thought of any reward to do my bit for the Dayak community. What I want is to see that the Dayak people especially the women to go side by side with the others. This is what I try to do”, she said to a reporter after the Council sitting.

Following Ningkan’s dismissal as chief minister of Sarawak in 1966, Tra was inspired by him into politics and was naturally chosen to lead the women division of Sarawak National Party until she resigned together with other leaders to form Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak (PBDS) in June 1983.

Like in SNAP, Tra used PBDS as a platform to travel state-wide in trying to instil political awareness among the Dayaks and self-respect among the womenfolk. As a result of her tireless efforts, thousands of Dayaks joined PBDS making it the second largest political parties after Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB). By 1990 PBDS was reported to have nearly 200,000 members.

Partly due to her age, Tra resigned from PBDS after helming the women division in 1988. Also leaving PBDS together with her were Vida Bayang, YB Gramong Juna and YB Mikai Mandau. Juna and Mikai joined PBB and brought with them their seats.

Tra was rewarded with the 'Temenggongship' for the Iban community in Kuching Division from July 1988 to March 1996. Upon the expiry of her term as Temenggong, she was appointed as the president of the Sarawak Natives Council of Adat which was tasked to codify all the natives Adat, culture and heritage. She held the post for six years.

For all her contributions she was honoured with Datukship and became the first recipient of Laila Taib award.

Scorned ex-wives could ruin ‘Randy’ Rayong’s political career

(This story has appeared in Free Malaysia Today on Jan 24, 2011 and is reproduced for the readers of The Broken Shield)

KUCHING: Are conversions and polygamy the new political ball game in Sarawak? It appears that a rising number of political aspirants and have-beens are rumoured to be converting from Christianity to Islam to better their chances of currying favours with Chief Minister Taib Mahmud, who allegedly discriminates against non-Muslims.

Whether this new game plan will work for them in the coming state polls is left to be seen. But political observers are betting that a number of Barisan Nasional candidates “will fall” in the polls for these very reasons.

Meanwhile, the “hottest” gossip to hit Kuching streets is Engkilili state assemblyman Johnical Rayong’s recent conversion. Most of his constituents were in shocked disbelief at his conversion that is until his angry wife, Patricia Dexter Sudok, a Christian staff nurse in Kuching, spewed her angst.

She reportedly leant of her husband’s infidelity, marriage and conversion from an SMS message he sent her.

According to the reports, Rayong was caught for “khalwat” and was forced to marry one Kamasiah Abdul Jalil, a divorcee in her 30s with two children, who works in the chief minister’s office.

Rayong had apparently converted on Jan 29, 2010. (was it coincidence then that partyless Rayong who had waited four long years outside Taib’s door was suddenly accepted into the fold in 2010, courtesy of Sarawak United people’s Party whose decision to take him in has cost them dearly?)


Deceiving the Dayaks

The story gets better, Patricia also said that Rayong had been harassing her to return and campaign alongside him as a “Christian couple” in order to mislead his Dayak voters.

Rayong and apparently quite a few other “new converts” such as Mambong MP James Dawos Mamit and Marudi assemblyman Sylvester Enterie are seeking to conceal their new status from their Dayak constituents.

Dawos, incidentally, is Deputy Tourism Minister and Enterie is an Assistant Minister in the Sarawak cabinet.

All this is more fodder for the opposition, it appears. In the case of Rayong, who seems to have a cup-board-full of “skeletons”, he may have lost it all even before the race. According to a SUPP leader, the party is uncomfortable with Rayong’s “history” and is re-assessing his candidacy.

“The voters in Engkilili are not against him converting to Islam. Far from it. In fact, Christians and Muslims in Engkilili sit side by side in coffee shops or restaurants. They also visit each other during Hari Raya and Christmas celebrations. They always live in harmony.

“But they do not like him because he failed to inform them (of his new status) as well as his failure to look after his two Iban wives,” said the leader who refused to be named.

Rayong, he claimed, has neglected his two families. His two wives were said to have complained to Deputy Chief Minister Alfred Jabu Numpang. They alleged Rayong had failed to come “home” for the past three months or so. His first wife, Patricia, is related to Jabu.

So angry and disappointed are his wives that they are prepared to campaign against Rayong if he does defend his Engkilili seat.

Besides his scorned wives, Rayong will also have to contend with issues over the authenticity of his degree “as a medical doctor” and his political track record.

His opponents have claimed that Rayong is only a doctor of homeopathy, but had presented himself as a medical doctor and opened up a clinic where he dispensed medicines and treated patients.

They alleged that when the authorities demanded for his certificates, Rayong closed shop. It has also raised questions about his integrity.

In the 2006 state election, Rayong won the Engkilili seat on a Sarawak National Party (SNAP) ticket. During his campaign, he attacked BN coalition partner SUPP and its candidate Jonathan Krai Pilo.

But less than a month after his win, Rayong declared that he was independent and a BN-friendly representative. His angry supporters called him a “political frog” who is only interested in his own personal affairs.

He subsequently applied to join an off-shoot of SNAP, Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party (SPDP) led by William, Mawan Ikom. His application was initially accepted in 2007, but faced with strong opposition from SUPP and Taib’s Parti Pesaka Bumiputra Bersatu (PBB), he was forced to resign.

There was also a time when he wanted to join Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS) if the Engkilili seat was to be given to PRS under a swapping arrangement with SUPP. But that arrangement failed to materialise and as a result, he lost interest In PRS.


SUPP reassessing Rayong

In the meantime, Rayong had applied to become a SUPP member and for two years he was left waiting. Then suddenly in September 2010, SUPP approved his application, much against the wishes of majority of its members.

The SUPP’s decision resulted in the resignation of the Engkilili branch chairman and the former five-term elected representative, Toh Heng San, from the party.

But by joining SUPP, Rayong has left behind at least 60% of his supporters who were either members of SNAP or the defunct Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak (PBDS) and supporters of the stillborn Malaysian Dayak Congress (MDC) of which he was the protem deputy president.

In fact, his supporters are still angry with him for switching parties as they had voted him in on a SNAP ticket. Many SUPP members in Engkilili, too, may not vote for him as they consider him a “frog” that has upset their branch leaders including Toh and Krai.

After more than 20 years as elected representative, Toh has a strong following not only among the Chinese, but also among the Ibans in Engkilili. Toh and Krai’s supporters will certainly not vote for Rayong for his criticisms against SUPP and for neglecting the welfare and interest of the Dayak community during the last election.

Today, Rayong joins the party that he had severely condemned. In September, when accepting Rayong into SUPP’s fold, the party president George Chan described him as the most “suitable”candidate to represent the party as he was not only close to the people, but also popular with the rakyat.

Now, in the wake of Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak’s brazen command to give him “only winnable candidates”, Chan is being forced to acknowledge Rayong’s weaknesses and eat his own words of the latter’s “suitability” as Engkilili 2011 candidate.

SNAP SYMPOSIUM ON SAT, 15 JANUARY 2011

Picture of SNAP leaders during the symposium in Sibu

SPEECH OF THE ORGANISING CHAIRMAN, AUGUSTINE LIOM, AT THE SNAP SYMPOSIUM ON SATURDAY 15 JANUARY 2011
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Power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely.

There is an undisputable ring of truth in that adage.

At national level, billions of Ringgit of People’s money has been spent in the PKFZ project and in the process, the bank accounts of some powerful personalities have grown unmanageably fat.

If not for a change of government that has occurred in Selangor, these corrupt practices and the massive abuse of power involved could not have been discovered.

We hear of a few hundred millions ringgit kickbacks involved in the purchase of military wares. But yet, a submarine cannot drive and military equipmentare substandard.

Those billions of ringgit lost through the rampant practices within the BN beaurocracy could be saved for development projects that could better benefit the rakyat.

Today, as we sit here, the PM is paying a visit to Bakun Dam. Predictably some time later an announcement will be made that the dam will be sold to the state government at a favourable price and at a favourable scheme of repayment.

The federal government would have already made a loss of billions of ringgit and our state government would within a span of couple of years incur billions of ringgit in repayment, spending money that could be utilised for the people’s benefit.

Predictably also, like many of the mammoth projects before, the state government would either sell the dam pretty cheaply or sell the energy generated by the dam cheaply to Sarawak Energy Berhad.

Billions of ringgit of money of the people of Sarawak would had been spent, but ironically the people as consumers of electricity would suffer more by having to pay increased electricity rates and Sarawak Energy Berhad will be making huge profits.

Who own and control Sarawak Energy Berhad?

Billions of ringgit have gone down the drain in the failed First Silicon project. But to the BN leaders that does not matter. The members of the Board of Directors and the senior management appointed by the BN State government get fat pay cheques, fees and allowances.

Money-making government undertakings are privatised. Road maintenance and road construction function of the PWD, enforcement function of the Forest Department and a few others have been awarded to private entities. Who own and control these enterprises?

Who own and control CMS, PPES Works, Naim Cendera, Sarawak Forest Corporation, etc?
Prime state land, for eg.the government quarters area in Batu Lintang and Sungai Bakong area in Sibu etc, are alienated to Naim Cendera to be turned into commercial development projects. Again, who own and control Naim Cendera and how are they connected to people in power?

Those are but a few examples. Not many years ago, logging permits to large tracts of forest areas were invariably granted to children, in-laws, friends, nominees or political affiliates of those in power.

Now, large tracts of plantation lands are alienated to the same people. It is not so bad if the lands are state land but it would be sinful if the lands are NCR of Native communities. The BN government just couldn’t be bothered.

The BN government says it would not take away people’s land without adequate compensation but when a great number of native communities find land they have cultivated for generations with rubber, padi and fruits are alienated to a plantation companies, they are baffled. To them, the reality is they have been robbed of their land.

The BN government has been oblivious to the plight of the native land owners. It has embarked on a policy of freezing issuance of titles to NCR land and has amended the land code many times thus making it easier to grant provisional leases to companies belonging to BN leaders and their relatives and making it difficult for the NCR landowners to prove their claims to NCR lands.

These are the ways of modern-day Robin Hood i.e. rob the poor to give to the rich.

The announcement now that the government is carrying out perimeter survey of NCR land is calculated for election purpose when the government realises it is in danger of losing power. But why only now and why only perimeter survey and not survey of individual lots? In any case, those surveys that have been embarked upon are only at areas to serve the BN election strategies

In strategising to hold on to power at all costs, the BN leaders are preaching to the Tuai Rumahs and Ketua Kampungs to keep away opposition campaigners. That is a selfish and irresponsible tactic which is oblivious to the adverse consequences to the solidarity and social cohesion of the longhouses and kampungs. It is a sure recipe that will destroy the social and cultural fabric of our communities. Again the BN leaders couldn’t care less.

The BN and its predecessor, the Alliance, have ruled this country and this state for almost half a century. That is far too long by anybody’s reckoning. Some BN leaders exhibit arrogance of power to proclaim that only the BN, can bring development.

But the truth of the matter is of course that parties other than the BN if put to power, backed by the same or even an improved civil service and having access to the same consolidated funds can not only bring development to the people but can better administer and manage the state and country.

The Kelantanese have demonstrated that they are happy with a non-BN led government. They have returned PAS to power in consecutive elections. From what we hear, the people in Selangor and Penang are happy with their Pakatan governments.

So to provide a check on the almost absolute power wielded by the BN government in Sarawak, it becomes imperative that we go for change. Change can only be for the better.

We believe therefore that a rejuvenated and revitalised SNAP working alongside its Pakatan’s partners will be instrumental and crucial in bringing about this urgently needed change so that power will not become absolute and corrupt.

Let’s hope we will have a meaningful and fruitful Symposium.

Thank You.

Where is Sarawak heading to?

KUCHING: How many of us realise that the Sarawak Coalition Government was formed 40 years ago on 7 July 1970?

Sarawak’s first coalition government was initiated by Parti Bumiputra then headed by Abdul Rahman Yakub with Stephen Yong, Secretary General of Sarawak United People’s Party.

Both Parti Bumiputra and SUPP had won 12 seats each.

The Sarawak Chinese Association which had three seats dissolved itself and its members joined the coalition later making a total of 27 seats out 48-member Council Negeri (State Assembly).

Parti Pesaka Anak Sarawak (Pesaka) which had nine state assemblymen including an independent was invited, but it turned it down as it wanted the post of chief minister be given to the party. In the previous Alliance Government (before the election), Pesaka’s Penghulu Tawi Sli was the chief minister after Stephen Kalong Ningkan of Sarawak National Party was sacked.

Thus SNAP which so won 12 seats was left out of the coalition.

Before the State went to the election, the first after the formation of Malaysia in 1963, Sarawak was ruled by the Sarawak Alliance with Ningkan made the first chief minister.

However things were not going well with SNAP and other members of the Alliance which made of Parti Pesaka, Parti Berjasa and Parti Panas.

Ningkan was kicked out in September 1966 and as a result SNAP left the Alliance. Penghulu Tawi Sli of Pesaka was installed as chief minister after a series of court cases mounted by Kalong for his expulsion as the chief minister.

When the first direct election was held in May 1969, there was a racial riot as a result the election for Sarawak was postponed to July 1970.

In the chaotic and a hung Council Negeri, Abdul Rahman Yakub took advantage of the situation and started to negotiate at first with Pesaka. But Pesaka insisted that the chief minister’s post must be given to one of his elected representatives.

Ambitious Rahman then turned to SUPP. He contacted Yong, and Ong Kee Hui, SUPP president for a meeting.

It was a surprised move by Rahman as SUPP had known to be heavily infested with communist elements. Many of its members had been arrested and others fled to the jungle to conduct armed struggle against the government.

Rahman did not want SNAP as he had been one of those engineering for the downfall of Ningkan government. And further more SNAP leaders had full of hatred against Rahman. Certainly they could not work with him.

On its own initiatives, SNAP also negotiated with Pesaka and SUPP to form a coalition government. But SUPP betrayed SNAP when it chose to work with Parti Bumiputra (combination of Panas and Berjasa).

According to Yong in his book, 'A Life Lived Twice', he preferred not to work with Iban-led government as Kuala Lumpur might “disturb” them in the absence of Malay representatives in the government.

But the coalition on the other hand without Ibans was also equally instable so Rahman sent his men (Sidi Munan and Alfred Mason) to talk to Pesaka leaders including its president Temenggong Jugah anak Barieng. But they refused to meet them. All the State assemblymen were kept at the official residence of Temenggong Jugah.

Somehow or rather, Penghulu Abok Anak Jalin who had won the Kemena seat on a Pesaka ticket was found having breakfast near the Mayfair Hotel and was virtually “kidnapped” and taken to a house at Ong Tiang Swee Road and from here he was transferred to Arif Hotel.

Efforts to contact other Pesaka State assemblymen were not that easy as all of them were kept and guarded at the house. However, a letter purportedly to have come from Alfred Mason, a brother-in-law of Simon Dimbab Maja, to Simon Dimbab Maja was passed to Jugah’s driver who smuggled and gave it to Maja. As soon as he received the letter, Maja told his friends he had the urge to take “laksa” and left hurriedly in the official car of Jugah who was then the federal minister for Sarawak Affairs to an open market.

On arrival at the open market, Maja according to the driver, wearing only slippers rushed to Arif Hotel where Abok and other Coalition leaders were present. They were told that they would be sworn as ministers. Maja would be appointed a Deputy Chief Minister.

The “kidnapping” of the two left Jugah with little choice and his ministerial post was under threat if Pesaka did not join the coalition. So Jugah was not only forced to join the coalition, but also agreed to merge Pesaka with Bumiputra three years later to form Parti Pesaka Bumiputra Bersatu.

This was how Rahman became chief minister of Sarawak until 26 March 1981 when his nephew, Abdul Taib Mahmud took over.

That in a nutshell is the historical background to the formation of the coalition.

Since Yakub’s time and now Taib, so much water has run under the bridge. Much development has taken place. Some rural areas have been turned into rural growth centres equipped with infrastructures. And much more still need to be done for example the construction of roads and in supplying electricity and clean water to longhouses.

When compared the two governments – one by the uncle and the other by the nephew, the Rahman government concentrated on exploitation of timbers; many of Rahman’s family members and cronies were given timber concessions.

And under Taib, he continues to exploit timber also for his family members and cronies, but also concentrates on grabbing NCR lands belonging to the Dayaks and leasing them to his family members and cronies.

And today PBB is indisputably the backbone of the State government and the most powerful party; it can even rule Sarawak without the participation of other Barisan Nasional partners. From 21 seats (Bumiputra 12 plus Pesaka nine), it has now 34 seats – one short of simple majority. So strong is PBB that its president Taib is considered as the “uncrowned king” of Sarawak.

SUPP was once a very strong party and due to internal bickering it has become a weak party. From 12 seats when it joined the coalition, it has now 11 seats after losing eight seats to the Opposition in the 2006 state election.

SNAP has zero elected representatives after number crises. Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak was born out of the 1983 crisis but was deregistered 21 years later suffering also from a leadership crisis. As a result Parti Rakyat Sarawak was registered.

SPDP was also formed out of SNAP’s second crisis in 2002.

Now at the age of 74, Taib, looking frail and sickly is seriously looking for a replacement. He may leave the government after the next state election that may be called before June next year.

But questions beg answers are: What will be the next political scenario like say after Taib Mahmud leaves the political scene? Where will Sarawak be heading to? Its direction?

Soothsayers and fortune tellers are busy predicting the future of the State. Many portend the downfall of the BN state government and the collapse of PBB as the leaders will scramble for top posts in the party.

SUPP they say may be reduced to a mosquito party due to lack of support from the Chinese community. Perhaps PRS and SPDP may still win some Dayak seats. Or perhaps the two parties may merge into one entity.

Even if the BN state government is still intact, what will happen if the Federal Government goes to the Pakatan Rakyat?

If this is going to be the next political scenario, Sarawak will be in deep trouble with or without Taib as chief minister. – The Broken Shield

Source: www.thebrokenshield.blogspot.com

WHAT IS SNAP’S FUTURE LIKE?

By Joseph Tawie

(This story was first published by The Malaysian Mirror and is updated and published for the readers of The Broken Shield)

KUCHING - After eight years in the political doldrums, Sarawak National Party has been given a new lease of life after the Court of Appeal on 23 June 2010 set aside the decision of the Registrar of Societies to deregister the party.

But what is SNAP’s future like? Will the Dayaks return to the party? Is SNAP that was the pride of the Dayaks in the 1970s when it had 18 State assemblymen and nine MPs, able to recapture its past glory? Or will it be able to capitalize on the sentiments of the Dayaks against the Barisan Nasional government and the authorities? And what are SNAP’s directions?

These are some of the questions that many Dayaks and non-Dayaks are asking and demanding to know.

Many believe SNAP can attain its past glory, but to do that it must be led by someone who has the charismatic personality – the bold and the fearless.

“Change of leadership must be made, if it is going to play a major role in both State and national politics. During these eight years, SNAP was left with a skeleton of members as many had left due to the uncertainty of its fate with the ‘Sword of Damocles’ hanging over its head,” said a former SNAP leader.

Its performances in those years in two parliamentary elections and one state election against the Barisan Nasional were not only dismal, but to the point of being embarrassed, considering the fact that at one time it was the party to be reckoned with.

On 10 April 1961, SNAP that became the third party to be formed after Sarawak United People’s Party and Party Negara Sarawak opened the way for the Dayaks to play active politics just before Sarawak obtaining its independence 1963. Synonymous with Dayak politics, it produced Sarawak’s first Chief Minister in the person of Stephen Kalong Ningkan.

However, SNAP’s fortunes began to decline after the 1982 leadership crisis during which James Wong took over the leadership at the expense of the support of the Dayaks who formed between 80 percent and 90 percent of the party membership. That crisis led to the formation of Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak in 1983.

But the 2002 crisis, another leadership crisis, between Wong and a group of Dayaks led by Peter Tinggom dealt a fatal blow to the party when the Registrar of Societies decided to deregister it on 5 November 2002 ignoring the appeals from both sides.

Basically, the crisis was triggered with the expulsion of the MP for Bintulu Tiong King Sing over an issue involving the construction of a TV3 station in Bintulu.

The party accused Tiong of failing to honour his word of donating RM1.5 million to finance part of the project which was RM4 million. Both the Federal Government and TV3 agreed to come up with RM1 million and RM1.5 million respectively.

Tiong who was then treasurer general of the party denied that he had promised to come up with the money.

However, SNAP found Tiong guilty as charged under Article V, Clause (iii) and (vi) of the party constitution.

“Article V – Expulsion of members
(iii) Destroys or attempts to destroy the integrity and good name of the party; or and

(vi) Incites hatred and animosity amongst members or against any Party leaders.”

The case against Tiong was heard on 11 April 2002 at the party headquarters. All the Central Working Committee members attended the meeting.

Before the expulsion order was mentioned, nine members of the CWC led by Tinggom staged a walk-out in protest against the decision. They found that Tiong’s expulsion was flawed when two of the seven appointed CWC members took part in the decision.

The appointment of the two had not been lodged with the Registrar of Societies, although the party constitution to increase the appointed members from five to seven was amended and endorsed in 2000 TGM.

Thus all decisions including expelling Tiong made by the CWC with votes from the seven appointed members were invalid, null and void.

William Mawan, then the Minister of the Environment and Public Health, and obviously the leader of the group brought up the matter with the ROS. The protracted crisis led to the party’s deregistration and the formation of Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party. But SNAP applied for stay of execution pending its appeal to the Court of Appeal.

That exactly is the story.

Since that crisis and the demise of Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak in October 2004 also due to leadership crisis, had left Dayaks who were not with Barisan Nasional in political limbo.

Now that the Court of Appeal has made its decision in SNAP’s favour, many Dayaks both outside and within the Barisan Nasional are closely watching SNAP’s next move.
The first thing they are interested to know is when SNAP will be holding its TGM and the election of new office-bearers in the next two or three months.

Can they bring in new professionals and the thousands of ex-PBDS members to join the party?

To them this is vital if the party wants to be respected and to be reckoned with. They feel that SNAP should try especially to woo the ex-PBDS members who are still angry with the BN government and authorities for deregistering PBDS and for refusing to register Malaysian Dayak Congress as a political party to replace PBDS.

“We are closely watching SNAP’s next move,” said Daniel Tajem, a former senior vice-president before he was kicked out from the party in 1983.

Many prefer SNAP to remain in the Pakatan Rakyat as it can form the “Dayak arm” of the coalition. At the moment the Dayak interests are being covered by the multi-racial PKR whereas the Chinese and the Malay interests are being looked after by DAP and PAS respectively.

But a BN leader who refuses to be identified due to the sensitivity of the matter believes that if SNAP is to remain in PR it may live to regret its decision.
To him, returning to BN should be an ideal and strategic move. Firstly, it can claim back all the seats now under the hands of SPDP. After all, SPDP is the “pretender”. So SPDP can be advised to dissolve and return to SNAP. After all SPDP is the off-spring of SNAP. From here, it can slowly and surely gain its past glory.

To his knowledge SNAP has never been expelled from the BN nor has it left the BN. This has been confirmed by SNAP Secretary General Stanley Jugol.

The BN leader says that once in BN, SNAP (including the dissolved SPDP) and Parti Rakyat Sarawak can discuss the merger of the two parties. Currently the merger between PRS and SPDP goes nowhere as there are obstacles that both parties are unable to solve.

“This is the bigger picture that SNAP must think in the interest of the future of Dayaks in this country,” he said.

But the question is: is SPDP prepared to dissolve itself for the bigger interest of the Dayak community? And the other big problem is that whether the Barisan Nasional component parties are ready to accept SNAP back.

Chief Minister and Chairman of State BN Abdul Taib Mahmud has made it very clear that only a collective decision by the BN parties can determine whether SNAP can return to the coalition.

“A lot of waters have gone under the bridge. I have to discuss it with other parties,” he said.

No doubt there are people including Dayaks themselves who do not wish Dayaks to be united under one political umbrella as this will pose a threat to their positions. In fact they prefer the current political scenario whereby the Dayaks are split right, left and centre: some are in SNAP, PKR, PRS, SPDP, PBB and even SUPP.

This results in Dayaks having weak and ineffective voice in articulating the community’s hopes and aspirations. And yet the Barisan Nasional parties consider the Dayaks as their “fixed deposits” in the coming election as they the urban voters are no longer reliable.

Given a new lease of life and the possible injection of new blood including professionals into the party, can SNAP be able to convince the Dayaks in the rural areas to support its political struggle and to reduce the BN’s “fixed deposits”?

This is its biggest test.